Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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68 3. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN ENGLISH<br />
(49) a. his shoot<strong>in</strong>g<br />
b. the shoot<strong>in</strong>g of him<br />
c. the shoot<strong>in</strong>g of his Vendler (1968), 48<br />
3.3. Agreement. Agreement of the complement <strong>verb</strong> and its arguments<br />
can only occur <strong>in</strong> that-PVCs (50-a). A constrastive ungrammatical<br />
example of an NI-PVC with agreement is provided <strong>in</strong> (50-b).<br />
(50) a. Jim heard that she s<strong>in</strong>gs a song.<br />
b. *Jim heard her s<strong>in</strong>gs a song.<br />
3.4. Tense/aspect. Similar to what was noted for agreement mark<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
tense mark<strong>in</strong>g like the past tense su x -ed can only occur on that-<br />
PVCs. 11 A contrastive ungrammatical example is aga<strong>in</strong> provided for<br />
an NI-PVC:<br />
(51) a. Isaw that he arrived.<br />
b. *I saw him arrived.<br />
The aspectual auxiliary have is ungrammatical with NI-PVCs, <strong>in</strong>g-<br />
PVCs and PNOMs, see (52), but grammatical with all the other complement<br />
types as shown <strong>in</strong> (53).<br />
(52) a. *I saw Mary have left. Mittwoch (1990), 111<br />
b. *Peter saw Mary hav<strong>in</strong>g left.<br />
c. *[Peter saw] John's hav<strong>in</strong>g cooked of the d<strong>in</strong>ner.<br />
Vendler (1967), 130<br />
(53) a. Peter remembered John's hav<strong>in</strong>g cooked d<strong>in</strong>ner<br />
b. I see them to have arrived. Bol<strong>in</strong>ger (1974), 77<br />
c. Peter saw that they had arrived.<br />
I follow Fillmore (1963) and Felser (1999) <strong>in</strong> assum<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>in</strong>g-<br />
PVCs are the progressive counterparts of NI-PVCs. NI-PVCs and <strong>in</strong>g-<br />
PVCs di er only <strong>in</strong> their speci cation for the feature [ progressive].<br />
Example (54) supports the hypothesis that NI-PVCs and <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs<br />
di er only m<strong>in</strong>imally with respect to their aspectual speci cation because<br />
they can be conjo<strong>in</strong>ed, and `constituents that can be conjo<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
are necessarily of the same type.' Declerck (1982b), p. 3.<br />
11 Bol<strong>in</strong>ger notes that tense mark<strong>in</strong>g is acceptable <strong>in</strong> secondary predications,<br />
which were excluded from the considerations <strong>in</strong> this chapter. The sentence <strong>in</strong> (i)<br />
can either be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as him be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> a rejected state or as him be<strong>in</strong>g actively<br />
rejected by someone.<br />
(i) Isaw him rejected. Bol<strong>in</strong>ger (1974), 69