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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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3. CRITERIA FOR THE STRUCTURAL CHARACTERIZATION 67<br />

pattern<strong>in</strong>g like an auxiliary (Mittwoch, 1990; Radford, 1997). The<br />

latter claim is illustrated by the parallelism of the two sentences below:<br />

(47) a. It's vital that John should show any<strong>in</strong>terest.<br />

b. It's vital for John to show any<strong>in</strong>terest.<br />

Radford (1997), 48<br />

It is beyond the scope of this thesis to resolve the issue as to which<br />

category the <strong>in</strong> nitival to should be associated with. To-PVCs are not<br />

<strong>in</strong>troduced by to the way that-PVCs are <strong>in</strong>troduced by that. Instead,<br />

the to directly precedes the predicate of the complement. In this respect,<br />

to is similar to the subjunctive particle na <strong>in</strong> Greek, which is<br />

shown <strong>in</strong> chapter 6. For the sake of simplicity, I will call the <strong>in</strong> nitival<br />

to <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g a particle and <strong>in</strong>vestigate it together with the<br />

complementizer. 10<br />

3.2. Subject/object case. In section 1.1, I have already outl<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

the changes <strong>in</strong> case mark<strong>in</strong>g that the core arguments of each complement<br />

type are subjected to (see Table 1). Regard<strong>in</strong>g the PVC subject,<br />

I noted the follow<strong>in</strong>g: that-PVCs are the only PVC type reta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>ative case for their subject (48-a). NI-PVCs (48-b), <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs<br />

and to-PVCs have accusative subjects while the two nom<strong>in</strong>alizations,<br />

PNOMs (48-c) and INOMs, have genitive subjects.<br />

(48) a. Jim saw that he arrived.<br />

b. Jim saw him arrive.<br />

c. Jill heard his s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g of the song.<br />

Regard<strong>in</strong>g the case of the PVC objects, except for PNOMs, all rema<strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong> the accusative. A PNOM takes an <strong>in</strong>direct object <strong>in</strong> the form<br />

of a PP consist<strong>in</strong>g of the preposition of and an accusative object NP.<br />

This type of <strong>in</strong>direct object is called the objective genitive. However,<br />

Vendler (1968) notes that for certa<strong>in</strong> transitive <strong>verb</strong>s that can optionally<br />

be <strong>in</strong>transitive, the of -phrase can also conta<strong>in</strong> a genitive NP<br />

denot<strong>in</strong>g the subject, i.e. a subjective genitive: the shoot<strong>in</strong>g of the<br />

prisoners can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as either The prisoners shoot or as Somebody<br />

shoots the prisoners. This becomes apparent when us<strong>in</strong>g personal<br />

pronouns as <strong>in</strong> example (49). The genitive pronoun his <strong>in</strong> (49-a) can<br />

refer either to the patient like <strong>in</strong> the objective genitive of him <strong>in</strong> (49-b)<br />

or to the agent as <strong>in</strong> the subject genitive of his <strong>in</strong> (49-c).<br />

10 Regard<strong>in</strong>g the semantic potential of the particle to refer to section 4.5.

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