Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

3. PROPOSITION DENOTING PVC TYPES 241
(48) au aa rogoca [ni+ra qaaqaa a cauravou yai]
1sg PT hear [COMP+3p win ART youth DEM]
`I heard that these youths had won. (i.e. I just heard the
result.)' Dixon (1988), 38
In Cambodian, the verb thaa `say' can function as a complementizer
after verbs of communication, thinking and perception (Bisang, 1992).
An example of a PVC with the complementizer thaa `that' is given in
(49).
(49) k~nom baan l [thaa n w srok-kmae mien
I have hear [COMP be.situated Cambodia have
robam-roem-kbac lqaa nah]
ballet
pretty very]
`I've heard that Cambodia has beautiful ballet.'
Huffman (1970), 247
According to Dik & Hengeveld (1991) (quoted from Kuno (1973)),
some Japanese PVCs occur with the complementizer to.
(50) Watashi wa [John ga piano o hiku to] kiita.
I TP [John SB piano ACC play COMP] heard
`I heard \John plays the piano."' Kyoko Fukuda (p.c.)
3.2. Subjunctive PVCs. A proposition denoting SUB type PVC
up to now has only been attested for Akatek (refer to chapter 5)
3.3. In nitive PVCs. The only INF type that has been shown
to be proposition denoting is the English to-PVC (refer to chapter
3).
3.4. Nominalized PVCs. Only one NMLZ PVC in the sample is
used to express propositions: the koto-PVC in Japanese is a nominalization
that functions as sentential object complement and therefore
carries accusative case marking as shown in example (51).
(51) Noda-wa [Takako-ga piano-o hii-teiru koto ]-o
Noda-TP [Takako-SB piano-ACC play-DUR NMZR ]-ACC
kiita.
hear:PT
`Noda heard about the fact that Takako has been practicing
the piano.' Horie (1993), 93