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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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236 6. TYPOLOGY OF PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS<br />

In Russian, kak-PVCs have to conform to the restriction that `the<br />

temporal relationship of the complement and matrix sentence actions<br />

is obligatorily understood as simultaneous' Brecht (1974), 211, i.e.<br />

for a matrix <strong>verb</strong> <strong>in</strong> past tense, either present or past, but no future<br />

tense is possible <strong>in</strong> the PVC (32), and for a matrix <strong>verb</strong> <strong>in</strong> present<br />

tense, only present tense is allowed, compare the examples <strong>in</strong> (33).<br />

(32) a. Ja videl, kak Anna citaet knigu.<br />

`I saw Anna read<strong>in</strong>g a book.'<br />

b. Ja videl, kak Anna citala knigu.<br />

`I saw Anna read<strong>in</strong>g a book.'<br />

c. *Ja videl, kak Anna budet citat knigu.<br />

Brecht (1974), 211<br />

(33) a. Ja vizu, kak Anna citaet knigu.<br />

`I see Anna read<strong>in</strong>g a book.'<br />

b. *Ja vizu, kak Anna citala knigu.<br />

c. *Ja vizu, kak Anna budet citat knigu.<br />

Brecht (1974), 211<br />

The PARA PVC <strong>in</strong> Malagasy must have the same tense mark<strong>in</strong>g as<br />

the matrix clause as illustrated <strong>in</strong> (34-a){(34-c), whereas tense mark<strong>in</strong>g<br />

di erent from the matrix clause is ungrammatical as is shown <strong>in</strong> (35).<br />

(34) a. Nahita azy nandalo aho. `Je l'ai vu passer.'<br />

b. Mahita azy mandalo aho. `Je le vois qui passe.'<br />

c. Hahita azy handalo hianao. `Vous la verrez passer.'<br />

Malzac (1960), 136<br />

(35) N-a-hita an-dRabe [n-/ *h-/ *m- iala<br />

PT-ACT-seen ACC-Rabe [PT-/ *FUT-/ *PRES- ACT.exit<br />

ny ara] aho.<br />

the car] NOM1<br />

`I saw Rabe get out of the car.' Keenan (1996)<br />

2.8. Summary. All ve complementtypes are attested as event<br />

denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs as summarized <strong>in</strong> Table 2. IND event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs<br />

can occur without a complementizer as <strong>in</strong> Mohawk or Cambodian, or<br />

with a complementizer as <strong>in</strong> Russian. SUB PVCs are used <strong>in</strong> Greek<br />

and Arberesh. A PARA PVC is used <strong>in</strong> Malagasy. NMLZ PVC are<br />

the most frequent strategy <strong>in</strong> my sample for event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs.<br />

I dist<strong>in</strong>guished case marked NMLZs from those with a subject <strong>in</strong> the<br />

genitive and those with accusative subjects. F<strong>in</strong>ally, INF PVCs occur<br />

<strong>in</strong> Romance, German, and English. Tense-aspect restrictions (<strong>in</strong>dicated

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