Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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128 4. AKATEK, A `TYPICAL' MAYAN LANGUAGE the third person is not realized. The ergative set A a xes represent the marked agreement (M 1). The pronominal a xes on the verbal complex, which have been analysed as arguments, follow anergative pattern. The subjects of transitive verbs (trans A) are realized as ergative set A pronominal arguments (M 1 in Table 9), while subjects of intransitive verbs (intr A/P) and direct objects of transitive verbs (trans P) are referred to via absolutive set B pronominal arguments (U in Table 9). This is illustrated for trans A and trans P, and intr A, respectively, in the Akatek examples (4) and (5), repeated here for convenience as (86) and (87), and in example (88) for intr P. (86) x-in-a-ten tej PERF-B1-A2-push DIR `You pushed me here.' Penalosa & Say (1992) (87) x-;-b'ey naj Xhunik PERF-B3-walk NCL John `John walked.' Zavala (1992b), 43a (88) x-;-kam naj Xhunik PERF-B3-die NCL John `John died.' Zavala (1992b), 43b One grammatical phenomenon that typologically can be correlated with an ergative marking pattern is split ergativity. Split ergativity stands for the phenomenon that the prevalent ergative marking pattern changes to a di erent marking pattern, ususally an accusative one, conditioned by special environments such as a speci c aspect or person (Dixon, 1994). However, in Mayan languages the split ergative marking is not an accusative marking (Dayley, 1981; Larsen, 1990). In almost all Mayan languages in which it occurs, split ergative marking is realized as a shift from absolutive to ergative agreement marking for intransitive subjects. Put di erently, the (marked) ergative extends to the intransitive subject instead of the (unmarked) absolutive extending to the transitive subject, which is the case in most split constructions cross-linguistically. As a result, in Mayan split constructions both subjects are cross-referenced by the (marked) ergative pre x, which is unusual for split systems (Dixon, 1994). Chort and Mam are exceptions from the split pattern described above. Chort splits into a three-way system in the imperfective aspect, the intransitive subject obtains a yet di erent set of pronominal markers (Quizar & Knowles-Berry, 1988). Mam follows a neutral system in that the ergative set of pronominal a xes extends to
2. TYPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 129 the intransitive subject as well as to the transitive object in what England calls temporal dependent clauses (England, 1983). Furthermore, modern Yukatek Maya has been claimed to be basically accusative rather than ergative, which aswehave just seen is in the case of Mayan languages more precisely called extended ergative, since the ergative marking is restricted to past tense environments (Bricker, 1981; Lehmann, 1990). There are a variety ofenvironments that cause the extended ergative marking pattern in Mayan languages. According to Dayley (1981) and Larsen & Norman (1979), only one language of the family, Motozintlec (also called Mocho), has a split system induced by person marking. Non-third person subjects follow anextended ergative pattern and third person subjects an ergative pattern while third person objects are always marked with the absolutive. In the remaining split ergative languages in the family the split is attributable to three di erent factors. First, non-perfective aspect or aktionsart marking triggers extended ergative marking as illustrated in the Ixil examples in (89). Second, there are certain matrix predicates, i.e. verbs of perception like `see' or aspectual verbs like `begin' or ènd'. These matrix predicates take aspectless subordinate clauses marked by the extended ergative pattern as shown for Jakaltek in example (90). The third environment for extended ergative marking is the preposing of core constituents into the sentence initial cleft or topic position as exempli ed for Ixil in (91). In all three examples below, the a examples show the default ergative marking, i.e. the intr A/P is a set B a x. The b examples illustrate the extended ergative pattern, where the intr A/P, instead of being realized as a set B marker, is a set A pronominal argument. (89) a. Ok in enter B1s Ì entered.' Ayres (1983), 129 b. In w-ok-e' DUR A1s-enter-SUF Ì am entering.' Ayres (1983), 128 (90) a. x-;-apni naj ASP-B3-arrive he `He arrived.' b. xwil y-apni naj an I.saw A3-arrive he CL1s Ì saw him arrive.' Craig (1977), 244
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Perception verb complements in Akat
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Contents Acknowledgments ix Chapter
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CONTENTS vii 2.1. Passive perceptio
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Acknowledgments This is the place t
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction Across langu
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1. WHAT WE SEE AND WHAT WESAY WE SE
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2. TYPOLOGY 9 a xes which incorpora
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2. TYPOLOGY 11 languages hence serv
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2. TYPOLOGY 13 predictions regardin
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3. DATA 15 to be applicable cross-l
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4. METHODOLOGY 17 (1985). The notio
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5. GOALS AND OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS TO
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CHAPTER 2 Perception verbs and thei
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1. THE LEXICAL FIELD 23 the perceiv
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2. THE HIERARCHY 25 the complementi
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 27 In
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 29 (H
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 31 b.
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 33 Sw
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 35 h
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 37 t
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 39 T
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 43 A
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5. CONCLUSION 47 assumption that PV
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CHAPTER 3 Perception verb complemen
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1. INTRODUCTION 51 terminology in A
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1. INTRODUCTION 53 b. Isaw Mary whi
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1. INTRODUCTION 55 world in the sen
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 57 Taking up t
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 59 b. John's s
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 61 NI compleme
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 63 with, i.e.
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3. CRITERIA FOR THE STRUCTURAL CHAR
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Page 87 and 88: 3. CRITERIA FOR THE STRUCTURAL CHAR
Page 89 and 90: 4. CRITERIA FOR THE SEMANTIC CHARAC
Page 99 and 100: 5. CONCLUSION 89 two in nitive (INF
Page 101 and 102: CHAPTER 4 Akatek, a `typical' Mayan
Page 103 and 104: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 93 gl
Page 105 and 106: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 95 Th
Page 107 and 108: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 97 Ta
Page 109 and 110: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 99 ob
Page 111 and 112: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 101 b
Page 113 and 114: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 103 T
Page 115 and 116: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 105 i
Page 117 and 118: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 107 P
Page 119 and 120: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 109 (
Page 121 and 122: 1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 111 c
Page 123 and 124: 2. TYPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 113
Page 137: 2. TYPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 127
Page 141 and 142: 3. CONCLUSION 131 Regarding the par
Page 143 and 144: 3. CONCLUSION 133 description of Ak
Page 145 and 146: CHAPTER 5 Perception verb complemen
Page 147 and 148: 1. INTRODUCTION 137 Type3 complemen
Page 149 and 150: 2. LEXICALIZATION OF PERCEPTION VER
Page 151 and 152: 2. LEXICALIZATION OF PERCEPTION VER
Page 153 and 154: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 143 following two
Page 155 and 156: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 145 (21) a. x-;-y-
Page 157 and 158: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 147 (25) a. *x-;-w
Page 159 and 160: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 149 (32) [;-q'anab
Page 161 and 162: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 151 The meaning di
Page 163 and 164: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 153 (46), k'alta',
Page 165 and 166: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 155 (53) a. x-;-y-
Page 167 and 168: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 157 Table 5. Passi
Page 169 and 170: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 159 of (65), `Mica
Page 171 and 172: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 161 (73) a. x-ach-
Page 173 and 174: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 163 (77) ta chi-on
Page 175 and 176: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 165 c. x-;-y-il ix
Page 177 and 178: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 167 in such a cons
Page 179 and 180: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 169 tive and intra
Page 181 and 182: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 171 Example (97) s
Page 183 and 184: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 173 (104) * ja'-;
Page 185 and 186: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 175 the preverbal
Page 187 and 188: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 177 (115) chi-;-y-
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 179 third person a
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 181 3.3.2. Type of
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 183 (130) a. x-;-y
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 185 (137) x-;-y-il
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 187 3.4.1. katu' `
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 189 (147) a. ;-xew
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 191 3.4.3. Nonverb
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 193 3.4.5. Verbs o
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 195 (if realized).
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 197 b. ;-s-chej ix
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 199 omitted, the t
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 201 - PNOMs accept
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 203 not at all. An
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 205 (193-b) (no as
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 207 complements, s
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 209 already shown
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 211 b. x-;-w-il [t
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 217 c. watx'-; tzu
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4. PVCS OF TYPE1 219 Table 14. Sema
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5. CONCLUSION 221 by the matrix pre
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5. CONCLUSION 223 on passive constr
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CHAPTER 6 Typology of perception ve
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1. PVC TYPES 227 subjunctive comple
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2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 229 2.2
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2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 231 (13
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2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 233 Nom
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2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 235 Ger
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3. PROPOSITION DENOTING PVC TYPES 2
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4. TYPOLOGICAL CORRELATIONS 243 esp
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4. TYPOLOGICAL CORRELATIONS 245 Que
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CHAPTER 7 Conclusion In this thesis
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3. INTERPRETATION OF PVC TYPES 249
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4. TYPOLOGY OF PVC SYSTEMS 251 deno
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5. NON-PV MATRIX PREDICATES 253 The
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ABBREVIATIONS 255 Abbreviations ; z
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ABBREVIATIONS 257 PART participle P
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Bibliography 259 Bibliography Abney
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Bibliography 261 Cristofaro, S. (19
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Bibliography 263 category.' In: M.
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Bibliography 265 Li, C.N. & S.A. Th
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Bibliography 267 1: 82{86, Reprinte
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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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