Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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188 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK<br />
(144) a. lalan-; ;-s-ma'-on naj un<strong>in</strong> ix Mik<strong>in</strong><br />
PROG-B3 B3-A3-hit-SUF NCL child NCL Micaela<br />
`Micaela is hitt<strong>in</strong>g the boy.'<br />
b. * lalan-; ;-s-ma' naj un<strong>in</strong> ix Mik<strong>in</strong><br />
PROG-B3 B3-A3-hit NCL child NCL Micaela<br />
`Micaela is hitt<strong>in</strong>g the boy.'<br />
Atype2 construction can be embedded by a PV with lalan added<br />
or not as shown <strong>in</strong> (145-a) and (145-b), respectively. Structurally,<br />
there are no changes, but semantically, the lalan-complement receives<br />
the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of an <strong>in</strong>g-PVC <strong>in</strong> English whereas the type2 PVC<br />
without lalan is comparable to an NI-PVC.<br />
(145) a. ;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> lalan-; a-mulna-i<br />
B3-A3-see NCL Micaela PROG-B3 A2-work-ITV<br />
`Micaela saw you work<strong>in</strong>g.'<br />
b. ;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> a-mulna-i<br />
B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A2-work-ITV<br />
`Micaela saw you work.'<br />
Unlike the constituency restrictions for type2 <strong>complements</strong> regard<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the placement of sentence nal clitics, <strong>complements</strong> with lalan can be<br />
either a part of the sentence or follow it. This is shown by the location<br />
of the clitic at the end of the complex construction <strong>in</strong> (146-a) and by<br />
the placement of the clitc an <strong>in</strong> (146-b).<br />
(146) a. x-;-w-il [lalan-; s-kam-el jun w<strong>in</strong>aj]<br />
PERF-B3-A1-see [PROG-B3 A3-die-DIR one man]<br />
an<br />
CL1s<br />
`I saw the man dy<strong>in</strong>g.'<br />
b. x-;-w-il an [lalan-; s-kam-el jun<br />
PERF-B3-A1-see CL1s [PROG-B3 A3-die-DIR one<br />
w<strong>in</strong>aj]<br />
man]<br />
`I saw the man dy<strong>in</strong>g.'<br />
The <strong>in</strong>transitive <strong>verb</strong>s xew ` nish' and the transitive <strong>verb</strong> laa `end'<br />
also embed type2 <strong>complements</strong>. The transitive laa often is used <strong>in</strong> its<br />
<strong>in</strong>transitive antipassive form laawi. Examples for both matrix predicates<br />
are provided <strong>in</strong> (147) and (148).