Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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3. PVCS OF TYPE2 181<br />
3.3.2. Type ofcomplement predicate. The typeofPVC predicate<br />
was identi ed as one of the characteristics that dist<strong>in</strong>guish event denot<strong>in</strong>g<br />
PVC types from PVC types denot<strong>in</strong>g propositions <strong>in</strong> English<br />
(refer to chapter 3). Event denot<strong>in</strong>g PVCs must have predicates<br />
that describe some perceivable change or transformation over time, i.e.<br />
event denot<strong>in</strong>g predicates are characterized as temporary, active and<br />
transient. This means that stative predicates or those describ<strong>in</strong>g imperceptible<br />
states cannot occur <strong>in</strong> complementtypes that are restricted<br />
to an event <strong>in</strong>terpretation. Especially <strong>verb</strong>s express<strong>in</strong>g mental states<br />
like know should not occur <strong>in</strong> such a complement type.<br />
A<strong>verb</strong> of cognition like ootaj `know' cannot be the predicate of<br />
type2 PVCs as shown <strong>in</strong> the ungrammaticality of example (125-a).<br />
The parallel type1 PVC with a complementizer and without the <strong>verb</strong>al<br />
su x <strong>in</strong> (125-b) is acceptable.<br />
(125) a. *x-;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> naj Xhunik<br />
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela NCL John<br />
;-y-ootaj-on naj pale<br />
B3-A3-know-SUF NCL priest<br />
`Micaela saw John know the priest.'<br />
b. x-;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> tol ;-y-ootaj<br />
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela COMP B3-A3-know<br />
naj pale naj Xhunik<br />
NCL priest NCL John<br />
`Micaela saw that John knows the priest.'<br />
For a predicate like kus `be sad', on the other hand, both types<br />
of <strong>complements</strong> are acceptable. It can either be a type1 PVC with<br />
optional complementizers as depicted <strong>in</strong> example (126-a), or a type2<br />
complement as <strong>in</strong> (126-b).<br />
(126) a. x-;-y-il naj Lu<strong>in</strong> (tzub'il/ tol)<br />
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Pedro (COMP/ COMP)<br />
chi-;-kus ix Mik<strong>in</strong><br />
IMPF-B3-be.sad NCL Micaela<br />
`Peter saw that Micaela was sad.'<br />
b. ;-y-il<br />
ix Mik<strong>in</strong> s-kus ix un<strong>in</strong><br />
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A3-be.sad NCL child<br />
`Micaela saw the child be<strong>in</strong>g sad.'<br />
The predicate howi `be angry' is marg<strong>in</strong>ally grammatical <strong>in</strong> type2<br />
PVCs as <strong>in</strong> example (127-a). If the directional el `exit' (DIR) is added