Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
4. PVCS OF TYPE1 209<br />
already shown <strong>in</strong> the section on complementizers that type1 <strong>complements</strong><br />
can be fronted. Example (203-a) showsatype1 complement<br />
with the complementizer comb<strong>in</strong>ation tzub'il tol. The complement can<br />
be fronted with or without complementizers as demonstrated <strong>in</strong> (203-b)<br />
and (203-c). However, both examples with fronted type1 <strong>complements</strong><br />
are only acceptable with the appropriate preced<strong>in</strong>g context. Also, there<br />
is a restriction on the matrix <strong>verb</strong> carry<strong>in</strong>g an explicit marker for perfective<br />
aspect as noted by Zavala (1992b) for the matrix <strong>verb</strong> al `say'.<br />
S<strong>in</strong>ce absence of aspect mark<strong>in</strong>g is per default <strong>in</strong>terpreted as perfective<br />
aspect, this does not make a semantic di erence.<br />
(203) a. x-;-y-al ix [(tzub'il tol)<br />
PERF-B3-A3-say she (COMP COMP)<br />
chi-xa-;-s-chi'<br />
ich naj Xhunik]<br />
b.<br />
IMPF-already-B3-A3-eat chile NCL Juan<br />
`She said that John already eats chiles.'<br />
[tzub'il tol chi-xa-s-chi ich najXhunik] (*x)yal ix<br />
c. [chi-xa-s-chi ich najXhunik] (*x)yal ix<br />
Type1 <strong>complements</strong> - with the exception of the occurrence of complementizers<br />
- show all the characteristics of <strong>in</strong>dependent sentences as is<br />
shown <strong>in</strong> detail further below. The <strong>in</strong>dependent status of type1 <strong>complements</strong><br />
becomes apparent when look<strong>in</strong>g at the location of the sentence<br />
nal clitics. If a clitic like an for rst person s<strong>in</strong>gular cooccurs with a<br />
rst person pronom<strong>in</strong>al a x <strong>in</strong> the matrix clause, an can only be placed<br />
at the end of the matrix clause and not at the end of the complex clause.<br />
Example (204-a) shows the matrix clause with a sentence nal clitic,<br />
xwil an, followed by the embedded type1 complement, tzub'il xkam no'<br />
chee, which has no clitic. Mov<strong>in</strong>g the clitic of the matrix clause to<br />
the end of the complex construction results <strong>in</strong> ungrammaticality as evidenced<br />
<strong>in</strong> (204-b). Thus, as opposed to type2 PVCs that were enclosed<br />
by the clitic by plac<strong>in</strong>g the clitic at the end of the complex construction,<br />
type1 PVCs are separated from their embedd<strong>in</strong>g matrix PVs by<br />
the clitic.<br />
(204) a. x-;-w-il an [tzub'il x-;-kam no'<br />
b.<br />
PERF-B3-A1-see CL1s COMP PERF-B3-die NCL<br />
chee]<br />
horse<br />
`I saw that the horse died.'<br />
* xwil [tzub'il xkam no' chee] an
Change language