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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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158 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK<br />

(63) a. *[Jill hit Peter] was seen by Jim.<br />

b. *[Jill] was seen [hit Peter].<br />

c. *[Peter] was seen [be hit by Jill].<br />

As can be seen from the ungrammaticality of (62) and (63), for English<br />

NI-PVCs none of the theoretical options are grammatical. In the<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g, I <strong>in</strong>vestigate both options <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong>: passivization of the<br />

complement aswell as passivization of the matrix predicate.<br />

Passivization of a type2 complement is grammatical with all three<br />

passive constructions presented above. Example (64) shows a type2<br />

le-passive, example (65) a cha-passive, and (66) a b'il-passive based on<br />

the active transitive construction from example (59-a) above.<br />

(64) x-;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>-ma'-le aw-uu an<br />

PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A1-hit-PASS A2-by CL1s<br />

`Micaela saw me be<strong>in</strong>g hit because of/ by you.'<br />

(65) x-;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>-ma'-cha aw-uu an<br />

PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela A1-hit-PASS A2-by CL1s<br />

`Micaela saw you hitt<strong>in</strong>g me/ manag<strong>in</strong>g to hit me.'<br />

(66) x-;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> (tzub'il/ tol)<br />

PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela (COMP/ COMP)<br />

ma'-b'il-<strong>in</strong> aw-uu an<br />

hit-PASS/PF-B1 A2-by CL1s<br />

`Micaela saw (that) you have/had hit me.'<br />

The ma<strong>in</strong> structural di erence between <strong>in</strong>dependent passives and type2<br />

passives is that they pre x set A <strong>in</strong>stead of set B pronom<strong>in</strong>al a xes.<br />

This is the case only for le- and cha-passives. The b'il-passive constructions<br />

su x a set B marker like a non-<strong>verb</strong>al predicate. Hence,<br />

b'il-passives embedded by PVs cannot be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as type2 PVCs,<br />

but as type1 PVCs. This analysis is supported by the possibility to<br />

add the complementizers tol and/or tzub'il to the complement as <strong>in</strong> example<br />

(66). As a result of its implication of perfectivity and its status<br />

as a type1 complement, the b'il-passive cannot denote an event. AsI<br />

will show <strong>in</strong> the section on type1 PVCs, this is <strong>in</strong> accordance with the<br />

observation that non-<strong>verb</strong>al predicates cannot function as type2 <strong>complements</strong>,<br />

but only as type1 <strong>complements</strong> with optional complementizers,<br />

and the b'il-passive <strong>in</strong> fact is a non-<strong>verb</strong>al predicate structure. The<br />

le- and the cha-passive however, ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> the event <strong>in</strong>terpretation of<br />

the complement, with the di erence between the two be<strong>in</strong>g that the<br />

cha-passive adds a sense of achievement as re ected <strong>in</strong> the translation

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