Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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194 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK The verb for learning ilel consists of the PV il `see' and the directional el èxit'. This verb also embeds type2 complements as can be seen in example (166). The subject of both matrix and complement clause, ix unin `the child', can occur either behind the PV or behind the PVC as the examples show. The only di erence is that the type2 complement verb b'ey `walk' only obtains a thematic vowel (ITV) if it occurs in nal position like in (166-a). (166) a. x-;-y-ilel ix unin s-b'ey-i PERF-B3-A3-learn NCL child A3-walk-ITV `The child learnt towalk.' b. x-;-y-ilel s-b'ey ix unin PERF-B3-A3-learn A3-walk NCL child `The child learnt towalk.' 3.4.6. Motion verbs. Motion verbs can take either type1 or type2 complements (Zavala, 1992b). Atype1 complement with a motion verb matrix predicate is restricted in that it cannot take explicit aspect. It is per default interpreted as remote past as illustrated in (167-a). Motion verbs with type2 complements, marked by the su x -on, receive an interpretation as recent past as illustrated in (167-b). (167) a. x-b'et w-il ach-an PERF-walk A1-see B2-CL1s Ì went to see you (some time ago).' Zavala (1992b), 312 b. x-b'et w-il-on ach-an PERF-walk A1-see-SUF B2-CL1s Ànd I went to see you.' Zavala (1992b), 312 3.4.7. Causative verbs. Some causative verbs (CVs) in Akatek can take either type2 or type3 complements (Zavala, 1992b). The main di erence in behaviour between type2 complements of CVs and type2 PVCs is that in causative constructions transitive type2 are only optionally marked with the su x -on. Structurally, transitive and intransitive causativeverb complements (CVCs) have to be distinguished. TransitiveCVCverbs occur after the lexically realized causer, i.e. the subject of the CV denoting the agent (AGT), while the causee, the direct object of the CV denoting the patient (PATi), is coreferential with the subject of the CVC verb denoting the agent (AGTi), as is represented in (168). The nal position is occupied by the patient denoting direct object (PAT) of the CVC
3. PVCS OF TYPE2 195 (if realized). I will show further below, that the argument order of causative constructions with transitive complements is of greater exibility than indicated in (168). (168) The structure of a causative construction with a transitive complement verb (Zavala, 1992b): CV AGT PATi Vtr AGTi PAT Causative constructions with intransitive complements are exible regarding argument order as illustrated in (169). Maximally two lexical arguments can occur in causative constructions involving intransitive complements. The causer tends to precede the causee. The intransitive CVCverb can occur either directly behind the CV, between causer and causee (in case they are realized), or at the very end of the construction. (169) Structures of causative constructions with intransitive complement verbs (Zavala, 1992b): 1. CV Vintr AGT PATsubj2 2. CV AGT Vintr PATsubj2 3. CV AGT PATsubj2 Vintr Example (170) illustrates the di erent possibilities for a causative construction with the CV jej `force' embedding the transitive verb lo' èat'. The su x -on on the complement verb is optional (indicated by round brackets). The CV can take the complement as a third person argument as shown in example (170-a), or it marks the person of the causee on the CV and still takes the unchanged complement asin (170-b). (170) a. x-;-s-jej naj ;-in-lo'(-on) paat an PERF-B3-A3-force he B3-A1-eat(-SUF) tortilla CL1s b. x-in-s-jej naj ;-in-lo'(-on) paat an PERF-B1-A3-force he B3-A1-eat(-SUF) tortilla CL1s `He forced me to eat tortillas.' Zavala (1992b), 317 The causative constructions with a' `put' in (171) embed intransitive complements. (171-a) does not have any lexically instantiated arguments, the person of the causee is retrieved from the CV since the type3 complement verb is unmarked. (171-b) shows a causative construction with two lexical third person arguments, ix `she' and naj `he'. In this case, the type3 complement verb is likewise unmarked, but due to the absence of a clitic, it takes the irrealis su x -oj as is typical for intransitive type3 complements.
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Perception verb complements in Akat
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Contents Acknowledgments ix Chapter
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CONTENTS vii 2.1. Passive perceptio
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Acknowledgments This is the place t
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction Across langu
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1. WHAT WE SEE AND WHAT WESAY WE SE
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2. TYPOLOGY 9 a xes which incorpora
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2. TYPOLOGY 11 languages hence serv
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2. TYPOLOGY 13 predictions regardin
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3. DATA 15 to be applicable cross-l
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4. METHODOLOGY 17 (1985). The notio
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5. GOALS AND OUTLINE OF CHAPTERS TO
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CHAPTER 2 Perception verbs and thei
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1. THE LEXICAL FIELD 23 the perceiv
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2. THE HIERARCHY 25 the complementi
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 27 In
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 29 (H
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 31 b.
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3. TYPES OF MEANING EXTENSION 33 Sw
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 35 h
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 37 t
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 39 T
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 43 A
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5. CONCLUSION 47 assumption that PV
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CHAPTER 3 Perception verb complemen
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1. INTRODUCTION 51 terminology in A
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1. INTRODUCTION 53 b. Isaw Mary whi
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1. INTRODUCTION 55 world in the sen
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 57 Taking up t
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 59 b. John's s
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 61 NI compleme
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2. MATRIX PREDICATES 63 with, i.e.
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3. CRITERIA FOR THE STRUCTURAL CHAR
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4. CRITERIA FOR THE SEMANTIC CHARAC
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5. CONCLUSION 89 two in nitive (INF
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CHAPTER 4 Akatek, a `typical' Mayan
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 93 gl
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 95 Th
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 97 Ta
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 99 ob
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 101 b
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 103 T
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 105 i
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 107 P
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 109 (
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1. BASIC GRAMMATICAL FEATURES 111 c
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2. TYPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 113
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3. CONCLUSION 131 Regarding the par
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3. CONCLUSION 133 description of Ak
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CHAPTER 5 Perception verb complemen
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1. INTRODUCTION 137 Type3 complemen
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2. LEXICALIZATION OF PERCEPTION VER
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2. LEXICALIZATION OF PERCEPTION VER
Page 153 and 154: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 143 following two
Page 155 and 156: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 145 (21) a. x-;-y-
Page 157 and 158: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 147 (25) a. *x-;-w
Page 159 and 160: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 149 (32) [;-q'anab
Page 161 and 162: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 151 The meaning di
Page 163 and 164: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 153 (46), k'alta',
Page 165 and 166: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 155 (53) a. x-;-y-
Page 167 and 168: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 157 Table 5. Passi
Page 169 and 170: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 159 of (65), `Mica
Page 171 and 172: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 161 (73) a. x-ach-
Page 173 and 174: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 163 (77) ta chi-on
Page 175 and 176: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 165 c. x-;-y-il ix
Page 177 and 178: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 167 in such a cons
Page 179 and 180: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 169 tive and intra
Page 181 and 182: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 171 Example (97) s
Page 183 and 184: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 173 (104) * ja'-;
Page 185 and 186: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 175 the preverbal
Page 187 and 188: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 177 (115) chi-;-y-
Page 189 and 190: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 179 third person a
Page 191 and 192: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 181 3.3.2. Type of
Page 193 and 194: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 183 (130) a. x-;-y
Page 195 and 196: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 185 (137) x-;-y-il
Page 197 and 198: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 187 3.4.1. katu' `
Page 199 and 200: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 189 (147) a. ;-xew
Page 201 and 202: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 191 3.4.3. Nonverb
Page 203: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 193 3.4.5. Verbs o
Page 207 and 208: 3. PVCS OF TYPE2 197 b. ;-s-chej ix
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Page 211 and 212: 4. PVCS OF TYPE1 201 - PNOMs accept
Page 213 and 214: 4. PVCS OF TYPE1 203 not at all. An
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Page 217 and 218: 4. PVCS OF TYPE1 207 complements, s
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Page 221 and 222: 4. PVCS OF TYPE1 211 b. x-;-w-il [t
Page 227 and 228: 4. PVCS OF TYPE1 217 c. watx'-; tzu
Page 229 and 230: 4. PVCS OF TYPE1 219 Table 14. Sema
Page 231 and 232: 5. CONCLUSION 221 by the matrix pre
Page 233 and 234: 5. CONCLUSION 223 on passive constr
Page 235 and 236: CHAPTER 6 Typology of perception ve
Page 237 and 238: 1. PVC TYPES 227 subjunctive comple
Page 239 and 240: 2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 229 2.2
Page 241 and 242: 2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 231 (13
Page 243 and 244: 2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 233 Nom
Page 245 and 246: 2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 235 Ger
Page 247 and 248: 3. PROPOSITION DENOTING PVC TYPES 2
Page 253 and 254: 4. TYPOLOGICAL CORRELATIONS 243 esp
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4. TYPOLOGICAL CORRELATIONS 245 Que
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CHAPTER 7 Conclusion In this thesis
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3. INTERPRETATION OF PVC TYPES 249
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4. TYPOLOGY OF PVC SYSTEMS 251 deno
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5. NON-PV MATRIX PREDICATES 253 The
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ABBREVIATIONS 255 Abbreviations ; z
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ABBREVIATIONS 257 PART participle P
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Bibliography 259 Bibliography Abney
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Bibliography 261 Cristofaro, S. (19
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Bibliography 263 category.' In: M.
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Bibliography 265 Li, C.N. & S.A. Th
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Bibliography 267 1: 82{86, Reprinte
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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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