Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

3. PVCS OF TYPE2 199
omitted, the type2 complement is not marked as an intransitive structure
with set A a xes, as shown by the ungrammaticality of example
(180-b).
(180) a. ja'-; naj Xhunik x-;-y-ujte ok ix
CFT-B3 NCL John PERF-B3-A3-force DIR NCL
Mikin ach-(s-)ma'-on-i
Micaela B2-(A3-)hit-SUF-ITV
`It was John whom Micaela asked to hit you.'
b. * ja'-; naj Xhunik x-;-y-ujte ok ix
CFT-B3 NCL John PERF-B3-A3-force DIR NCL
Mikin a-ma'-on-i
Micaela A2-hit-SUF-ITV
`It was John whom Micaela asked to hit you.'
Extraction of the direct object of a transitive complement embedded
by the CV chej is illustrated in example (181-a). The direct object
can optionally be marked on the complement verb in form of the
pronominal a x for a second person direct object, ach-. In any case,
i.e. with or without the set B pronominal a x, the verb sma'a' is
marked with the transitive thematic vowel a'. Example (181-b) shows
the alternative constructions with the su x -on and the intransitive
thematic vowel -i. Like in example (181-a) the direct object pre x is
optional as indicated by round brackets.
(181) a. jach x-;-s-chej-ok
ix Mikin naj
PRO2s PERF-B3-A3-force-DIR NCL Micaela NCL
Xhunik (ach-)s-ma'-a'
John (B2-)A3-hit-TTV
`It was you whom Micaela forced John to hit.'
b. jach x-;-s-chej-ok
ix Mikin naj
PRO2s PERF-B3-A3-force-DIR NCL Micaela NCL
Xhunik (ach-)s-ma'-on-i
John (B2-)A3-hit-SUF-ITV
`It was you whom Micaela forced John to hit.'
Even though type2 CVCs are similar to type2 PVCs, the former are
of greater exibility regarding argument order. Besides type2 CVCs,
there are also CVCs of type3 and incorporating AP complements. I
have shown that, parallel to the behavior of type2 PVCs, CV passivization
and clefting are grammatical with type2 CVCs.