Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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52 3. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN ENGLISH<br />
take genitive subjects. The ACC-<strong>in</strong>g and POSS-<strong>in</strong>g <strong>complements</strong> have<br />
accusative objects whereas the <strong>in</strong>g-of has an <strong>in</strong>direct object marked<br />
by the preposition of. ACC-<strong>in</strong>g clauses that function as PVCs are<br />
called <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs henceforth. In his classi cation of nom<strong>in</strong>alizations<br />
<strong>in</strong>to perfect and imperfect nom<strong>in</strong>als, Vendler's perfect nom<strong>in</strong>als are <strong>in</strong>gof<br />
clauses and his imperfect nom<strong>in</strong>als subsume POSS-<strong>in</strong>g clauses and<br />
tensed complement clauses with the complementizer that (Vendler,<br />
1967). In the follow<strong>in</strong>g, I refer to POSS-<strong>in</strong>g constructions alone as<br />
imperfect nom<strong>in</strong>als (INOMs). Ing-of clauses with matrix PVs I call<br />
perfect nom<strong>in</strong>als (PNOMs), thereby deviat<strong>in</strong>g from Vendler's de nition<br />
of the terms perfect and imperfect nom<strong>in</strong>als <strong>in</strong> restrict<strong>in</strong>g speci cally<br />
imperfect nom<strong>in</strong>als to POSS-<strong>in</strong>g clauses.<br />
In example (14), an INOM is shown to be grammatical with the<br />
matrix <strong>verb</strong> remember but ungrammatical with a PV like hear. Example<br />
(15) provides an example of a PNOM as a PVC and example<br />
(16) shows an <strong>in</strong>g-PVC. Even though INOMs are not PVCs, they are<br />
<strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>vestigation for contrastive purposes.<br />
(14) a. I remember [John's s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g the song].<br />
b. *I heard [John's s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g the song].<br />
(15) I heard [John's s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g of the song].<br />
(16) John felt [Mary trembl<strong>in</strong>g beneath her coat]. Caplan (1973)<br />
Regard<strong>in</strong>g ACC-<strong>in</strong>g clauses, the situation is more complicated, because<br />
ACC-<strong>in</strong>g constructions are structurally ambiguous. Declerck<br />
(1982b) dist<strong>in</strong>guishes three k<strong>in</strong>ds of ACC-<strong>in</strong>g constructions that occur<br />
after matrix PVs:<br />
1. NP + pseudo-modi er/ reduced relative clause<br />
2. NP + participial adjunct clause<br />
3. Ing-PVC<br />
Example (17-a) shows a sentence with a pseudo-modi er, also called<br />
reduced relative clause, example (18-a) an adjunct clause, 2 and (19) an<br />
<strong>in</strong>g-PVC with a true perception <strong>in</strong>terpretation:<br />
(17) a. Isaw the ladder [lean<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st the side of the house].<br />
Kirsner & Thompson (1976), 220<br />
b. Isaw the ladder, which was lean<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st the side of the<br />
house.<br />
(18) a. Isaw Mary [enter<strong>in</strong>g the house].<br />
2 Cases <strong>in</strong> which the adjunct clause is <strong>in</strong>terpreted as modify<strong>in</strong>g the PV subject<br />
are not considered here, e.g. I, <strong>in</strong>stead of the PV object Mary <strong>in</strong> example (18-a).