Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

2. EVENT DENOTING PVC TYPES 233
Nominalizations in Fiji refer to an event as extended in time
(Dixon, 1988). Example (21-a) shows an active independent clause.
The way this independent clause is nominalized and used as a PVC can
be observed in example (21-b). The article a is added to the nominalzation
and the pronominal subject marker o 'you' in (21-a) is replaced
by the pronominal possessor o-mu 'yours' in (21-b).
(21) a. o lesu mai
2s return here
'You return here.' Dixon (1988), 37
b. au aa raica [a o-mu lesu mai]
1s PT see [ART Class-2sGEN return DEM]
'I saw your returning here.' Dixon (1988), 37
In the transformation of the independent transitive clause in (22-a)
to the nominal PVC in (22-b), likewise, the article a is added and
the pronominal subject marker e `she/he' changes to the pronominal
possessor form o-na `hers/his'.
(22) a. e samu-ti i'o a cauravou yai
3s beat-TR 2sDO ART youth DEM
'This youth beat you.' Dixon (1988), 38
b. au aa raica [a o-na samu-ti i'o a
1s PT see [ART Class-3sGEN beat-TR 2sDO ART
cauravou yai]
youth DEM]
'I saw this youth's beating you.' Dixon (1988), 38
In Malagasy, a tensed circumstantial nominalization with a determiner
is also event denoting as a PVC. In (23) the formation of active
voice and in (24) the formation of circumstantial voice constructions
is presented. The structure of a circumstantial nominalization is given
in (25). The circumstantial construction simply obtains an article or
demonstrative in order to qualify as a nominalization, which can then
ll either the nal subject or the object position of a complex construction
as is illustrated in the following.
(23) Active
tense-ACT-V O S(agent)
(24) Circumstantial construction
tense-ACT-V-ana-GEN(agent) O S(circumstance)