Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

3. PVCS OF TYPE2 175
the preverbal topic or cleft position. As a result, only the direct object
is marked on the verb (via set B markers), the verb is su xed by -on
and by the thematic vowel for intransitive verbs, -i.
(108) maj x-in-ma'-on-i
who PERF-B1-hit-SUF-ITV
`Who hit me?' Zavala (1992b), 88
Similar constructions can be found with the existential ey in the preverbal
topic position:
(109) ey-; anima chi-;-'al-on-i
tzub'il tol
EX-B3 Sp:person IMPF-B3-say-SUF-ITV COMP COMP
peena-; te' kape
bad-B3 NCL Sp:co ee
`There are people that say co ee is bad.' Franco (1993)
However, there are two notable exceptions. First, for rst and second
person subjects the changes, i.e. the su x -on and detransitivization,
are optional. Example (110) shows a cleft construction with the
su x -on and only set B person marking, while in example (111) the
su x does not occur and both set A and set B are marked on the verb.
(110) jach x-;-'a'-on jun te' xuk e-in
PRO2s PERF-B3-give-SUF one NCL large.basket to-B1
an
CL1s
`It was you who gave me the large basket.'
Zavala (1992b), 226
(111) jein x-;-in-ma' ix Malin an
PRO1s PERF-B3-A1-hit NCL Mary CL1s
`It was me who hit Mary.' Zavala (1992b), 293
Second, if the direct object instead of the subject is clefted or relativized,
neither the su x -on occurs, nor does the verb become intransitive.
This is evidenced by max-;-s-q'oj `(they) had thrown (him)' in
example (112) and ;-s-lo'-ey-toj `(he) ate (them)' in example (113).