Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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4. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS 43<br />
As opposed to Horie (1993) and Cristofaro (1998), who dist<strong>in</strong>guish<br />
between two basic complement types, Noonan (1985) identi es<br />
six di erent complement types: <strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>complements</strong>, subjunctive<br />
<strong>complements</strong>, paratactic <strong>complements</strong>, <strong>in</strong> nitives, nom<strong>in</strong>alizations and<br />
participles.<br />
Indicative (INDs) and subjunctive (SUBs) <strong>complements</strong> are both<br />
sentence-like, subjunctive <strong>complements</strong> occur <strong>in</strong> <strong>language</strong>s that also<br />
have <strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>complements</strong>. Subjunctive <strong>complements</strong> di er from<br />
<strong>in</strong>dicatives <strong>in</strong> mood, which can be realized <strong>in</strong> a variety ofways: either<br />
they have a non-<strong>in</strong>dicative <strong>verb</strong> form or conjugation, or they occur<br />
with modal particles or special complementizers. Example (28) shows<br />
an <strong>in</strong>dicative PVC <strong>in</strong> Greek with the complementizer oti (COMP),<br />
which di ers from the subjunctive PVC <strong>in</strong> (29) marked as subjunctive<br />
by the particle na (SP).<br />
(28) Esthanthike [oti i siz tisi tane peritt ]<br />
feel.3s.PT [COMP the discussion be.3s.PT redundant]<br />
`He felt that the discussion was redundant'<br />
Alexia Kallia (p.c.)<br />
(29) Ton vlepo [na kolimba]<br />
ACC3s see.1s.PRES [SP swim.3s.PRES]<br />
`I see him swim.' Alexia Kallia (p.c.)<br />
In paratactic <strong>complements</strong> (PARAs), the notional subject of the complement<br />
does not form a constituent with the complement predicate but<br />
is retrieved from the preced<strong>in</strong>g clause. Paratactic <strong>complements</strong> can be<br />
used as <strong>in</strong>dependent sentences, they cannot take complementizers. An<br />
example for a paratactic PVC <strong>in</strong> Hausa is provided <strong>in</strong> (30).<br />
(30) Na<br />
gan sh [yana aiki]<br />
1sPERF see him [be.at.3s work]<br />
`I saw him, he is work<strong>in</strong>g. (I saw him work<strong>in</strong>g.)'<br />
Noonan (1985), 56<br />
In Noonan's typology of complement types <strong>in</strong> nitives (INFs) are dened<br />
as <strong>verb</strong>-likeentities that lack syntactic relations to their notional<br />
subject. Except for subject agreement and mood, <strong>in</strong> nitive <strong>complements</strong><br />
may be <strong>in</strong> ected for all <strong>verb</strong>al categories such as tense-aspect,<br />
voice, object agreement, etc. Example (31) shows an <strong>in</strong> nitive PVC<strong>in</strong><br />
Spanish.