Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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136 5. PERCEPTION VERB COMPLEMENTS IN AKATEK<br />
The structure of this chapter is the follow<strong>in</strong>g. Section 2 shows how<br />
PVs are lexicalized <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> and provides an answer to the question<br />
of whether the basic PVs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> also extend their mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to the<br />
doma<strong>in</strong> of cognition. The ma<strong>in</strong> part of the chapter, section 3, consists<br />
of a description of type2 PVCs <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> based on the structural and<br />
semantic criteria presented <strong>in</strong> chapter 3. I demonstrate that type2<br />
PVCs are exclusively event denot<strong>in</strong>g. In section 4, type1 PVCs, which<br />
are able to convey propositions, are analyzed. Type1 PVCs are<br />
described <strong>in</strong> less detail than type2 PVCs because they share all the<br />
characteristics of <strong>in</strong>dependent sentences.<br />
There are three ma<strong>in</strong> complementtypes <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> (Zavala, 1992b).<br />
For ease of reference I call them type1, type2, and type3. In the follow<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
I brie y describe the structures of the three complementtypes<br />
and provide some examples.<br />
Type1 <strong>complements</strong> consist of one or two optional complementizers<br />
(COMP), followed by an <strong>in</strong>dependent sentence structure. An illustrative<br />
example is provided <strong>in</strong> (1). The complement is <strong>in</strong>dicated by<br />
square brackets, the word order of the complex construction is V S<br />
Complement.<br />
(1) ;-y-ootaj-xa ix [tol oj-;-kam ix]<br />
B3-A3-know-already she [COMP FUT-B3-die she]<br />
`She already knows that she will die.'<br />
Penalosa & Say (1992)<br />
Type2 diverges from the normal sentence pattern of <strong>Akatek</strong>, which has<br />
been described <strong>in</strong> chapter 4. Both transitive and <strong>in</strong>transitive type2<br />
<strong>complements</strong> lack aspect morphology, as shown <strong>in</strong> (2-a) and (2-b), respectively.<br />
Furthermore, the transitive complement <strong>verb</strong> di ers from<br />
the structure of <strong>in</strong>dependent sentences <strong>in</strong> two respects. First, the complement<br />
<strong>verb</strong> takes the su x -on 1 and second, <strong>in</strong>stead of a transitive<br />
thematic vowel su x (TTV), it takes an <strong>in</strong>transitive one (ITV). In addition,<br />
the <strong>in</strong>transitive construction is marked by a set A pronom<strong>in</strong>al<br />
pre x <strong>in</strong>stead of by the set B pre x of the <strong>in</strong>dependent sentence.<br />
(2) a. ;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> [ach-s-ma'-on-i]<br />
B3-A3-see NCL Micaela [B2-A3-hit-SUF-ITV]<br />
`Micaela saw an unspeci ed 3rd person hit you.'<br />
b. x-;-y-il ix Mik<strong>in</strong> [a-wey-i]<br />
PERF-B3-A3-see NCL Micaela [A2-sleep-ITV]<br />
`Micaela saw you sleep<strong>in</strong>g.'<br />
1 The role this su x plays <strong>in</strong> <strong>Mayan</strong> <strong>language</strong>s is explored <strong>in</strong> section 3.2.