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Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language

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1. INTRODUCTION 51<br />

term<strong>in</strong>ology <strong>in</strong> Akmajian (1977), I refer to nite PVCs as that-PVCs<br />

(7) and to naked <strong>in</strong> nitive PVCs as NI-PVCs (8).<br />

(7) John saw [that [Jim brought a bottle of w<strong>in</strong>e]].<br />

(8) John saw [him br<strong>in</strong>g a bottle of w<strong>in</strong>e].<br />

That-PVCs consist of a nite clause that is optionally marked by the<br />

complementizer that. NI-PVCs basically consist of an accusatively<br />

marked logical subject followed by the <strong>verb</strong> <strong>in</strong> its <strong>in</strong> nitive form and<br />

an accusative direct object.<br />

To-<strong>in</strong> nitives, that are embedded by a PV, are <strong>in</strong> the follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

referred to as to-PVCs (9).<br />

(9) I felt [him to possess the necessary quali cations].<br />

Bol<strong>in</strong>ger (1974)<br />

To-PVCs basically consist of an accusative logical subject followed by<br />

the <strong>in</strong> nitive marker to, the <strong>verb</strong> <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong> nitive form and - if transitive<br />

- an accusative object. As illustrated <strong>in</strong> (10), to-PVCs are restricted.<br />

Their predicate must either conta<strong>in</strong> a form of be as <strong>in</strong> (11), or it must<br />

be possible to paraphrase the predicate with a form of be as shown <strong>in</strong><br />

(12).<br />

(10) *I saw him to cross the street. Vendler (1968), 66<br />

(11) Isaw them to be obnoxious. Bol<strong>in</strong>ger (1974), 66<br />

(12) The tasters felt it to surpass all the others. (= to be better)<br />

Bol<strong>in</strong>ger (1974), 72<br />

The most diverse group of PVCs are the <strong>in</strong>g-clauses. I dist<strong>in</strong>guish three<br />

types of <strong>in</strong>g-clauses. The two PVCtypes listed <strong>in</strong> Table 1: present participles<br />

and <strong>in</strong>g-of nom<strong>in</strong>alizations. The third type is a nom<strong>in</strong>alization<br />

that is not a PVC type but is added to the list of complementtypes for<br />

contrastive purposes regard<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>g-of nom<strong>in</strong>alization. The present<br />

participle is traditionally referred to as ACC-<strong>in</strong>g (13-a). The additional<br />

non-PVC nom<strong>in</strong>alization is the POSS-<strong>in</strong>g construction (13-b).<br />

The nom<strong>in</strong>alized PVC is called the <strong>in</strong>g-of (13-c) type.<br />

(13) a. John heard [him s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g the Marseillaise].<br />

b. John remembered [his s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g the Marseillaise].<br />

c. John heard [his s<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g of the Marseillaise].<br />

The ACC-<strong>in</strong>g type <strong>in</strong> (13-a) is characterized by a logical subject <strong>in</strong> the<br />

accusative while both POSS-<strong>in</strong>g (13-b) and <strong>in</strong>g-of (13-c) <strong>complements</strong>

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