Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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2. TYPOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTICS 115<br />
Table 6. Correlation of di erent basic word order types<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>Mayan</strong> <strong>language</strong>s and frequency of lexical NPs <strong>in</strong> narrative<br />
text (adopted from Schule (1996))<br />
Jakaltek <strong>Akatek</strong> SM Chuj<br />
VSO VSO/VOS VOS<br />
no. of no. of no. of<br />
clauses % clauses % clauses %<br />
VtrXY: 39 18.1 16 4.2 38 18.6<br />
total 189 100.0 215 100.0 161 100.0<br />
VtrS 13 76 speaker 10 37<br />
VtrO 4 24 variation 17 63<br />
total 17 100 27 100<br />
observed (76% VS constructions), whereas the speakers of the VOS<br />
<strong>language</strong> San Mateo Chuj preferred the object NP encod<strong>in</strong>g (63% VO<br />
constructions). The data of the exible order <strong>language</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> showed<br />
speaker variation and were excluded from Table 6 for reasons of perspicuity.<br />
Example (59) illustrates the exibility of the post<strong>verb</strong>al argument<br />
order <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong>. The <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the NPs is governed by semantic<br />
criteria, i.e. a hierarchy of animacy and person governs the choice of<br />
the agent denot<strong>in</strong>g subject of a transitive construction. As a result,<br />
the two variations shown <strong>in</strong> (59) express the same mean<strong>in</strong>g `John hit<br />
the horse'. It is not possible to express `the horse hit John' <strong>in</strong> the form<br />
of an active transitive sentence. This can only be expressed by one of<br />
the passive constructions (Zavala, 1992b; Schule, 1993).<br />
(59) x-;-s-ma' [no' chee ] [naj Xhunik ]<br />
PERF-B3-A3-hit [NCL horse ] [NCL John ]<br />
x-;-s-ma' [naj Xhunik ] [no' chee ]<br />
PERF-B3-A3-hit [NCL John ] [NCL horse ]<br />
`John hit the horse.' Zavala (1992b), 45b<br />
The results depicted <strong>in</strong> Table 6 <strong>in</strong>dicate that the unmarked status of<br />
the lexical arguments <strong>in</strong> <strong>Akatek</strong> <strong>in</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ation with the exible word<br />
order results <strong>in</strong> very few occurrences of VXY. In addition, when only<br />
one of two arguments is lexically realized the distribution of VO and VS<br />
construction suggests that speakers of VSO <strong>language</strong>s prefer VS over<br />
VO while speakers of VOS <strong>language</strong>s prefer VO over VS. Speakers of