Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
Perception verb complements in Akatek, a Mayan language
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1. INTRODUCTION 53<br />
b. Isaw Mary while she was enter<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
Higg<strong>in</strong>botham (1994a), 33<br />
(19) Rover heard [it thunder<strong>in</strong>g]. (does not entail Rover heard `it'.)<br />
Kirsner & Thompson (1976), 210<br />
Many ACC-<strong>in</strong>g constructions are ambiguous between two or all<br />
three of the above subtypes. For example, the gerund <strong>in</strong> (20) can either<br />
mean the moon which was ris<strong>in</strong>g over the mounta<strong>in</strong> if <strong>in</strong>terpreted as a<br />
reduced relative clause, or the moon as it was ris<strong>in</strong>g over the mounta<strong>in</strong><br />
(adjunct clause), or the perceptual read<strong>in</strong>g (i.e. as <strong>in</strong>g-PVC) the event<br />
of the moon's ris<strong>in</strong>g over the mounta<strong>in</strong>.<br />
(20) Isaw the moon ris<strong>in</strong>g over the mounta<strong>in</strong>.<br />
Declerck (1982b), 2<br />
Similarly, a sentence with an ACC-<strong>in</strong>g construction like (21-a) can<br />
either be the progressive counterpart of the NI-PVC <strong>in</strong> (21-b) or receive<br />
the adjunct read<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> (21-c).<br />
(21) a. Isaw him cross<strong>in</strong>g the street.<br />
b. Isaw him cross the street.<br />
c. Isaw him while (or when) he was cross<strong>in</strong>g the street.<br />
Vendler (1968), 58<br />
While pseudo-modi ers and adjuncts cannot alternate or be conjo<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
with NI-PVCs, <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs are the progressive counterparts of NI-PVCs<br />
and therefore can alternate or be conjo<strong>in</strong>ed with them:<br />
(22) We heard the farmer slaughter/ slaughter<strong>in</strong>g the pig.<br />
Kirsner & Thompson (1976), 210<br />
O hand, <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs resemble ACC-<strong>in</strong>g <strong>complements</strong> embedded by<br />
matrix <strong>verb</strong>s like e.g. remember, regret, or enjoy. However, <strong>in</strong>g-<br />
PVCs di er <strong>in</strong> a number of ways from ACC-<strong>in</strong>g <strong>complements</strong>: Whereas<br />
ACC-<strong>in</strong>g <strong>complements</strong> allow PRO-subjects and passivization of the<br />
whole complement which <strong>in</strong> turn <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs do not, <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs permit<br />
anaphoric subjects and adjunct extractions, and can alternate freely<br />
with NI-PVCs (for an overview refer to Felser (1995), 102 .).<br />
Table 2 shows the di erent PVCtypes that are considered <strong>in</strong> this<br />
chapter together with the non-PVC type referred to as INOM. The<br />
PVC types are referred to as that-PVCs, to-PVCs, PNOMs, <strong>in</strong>g-PVCs<br />
and NI-PVCs. Their structural variety is illustrated <strong>in</strong> the Table. Pre<strong>verb</strong>al<br />
NPs denote the logical subject of the complement. For the ve