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The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

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lll'OI>l!JST i'ILCHJMAGE IN NOHTHEASTERN THAILAND 197<br />

blind musicians, and certain beggars who also "follow <strong>the</strong> pilgrims."<br />

A flow <strong>of</strong> pilgrims who seek out sacred places for purposes <strong>of</strong> merit<br />

promotes a flow <strong>of</strong> entrepreneurs who seek out pilgrims for purposes <strong>of</strong><br />

pr<strong>of</strong>it. However, <strong>the</strong> linkages between pilgrimage to Mecca and <strong>the</strong><br />

commercial life <strong>of</strong> Islamic Africa, Central, and Sou<strong>the</strong>ast Asia have no<br />

parallel with regard to <strong>The</strong>ravada Buddhist pilgrimage and large-scale<br />

inter-regional commerce in Thailand. Similarly, no apparent connection<br />

exists between pilgrimage and patterns <strong>of</strong> labor migration. As in Brazil<br />

(Gross 1971 : 145), <strong>the</strong>re is no evidence that pilgrimage in Thailand<br />

provides an occasion for <strong>the</strong> exchange <strong>of</strong> information on jobs and business<br />

opportunities.<br />

VI.<br />

Discussion and Conclusions<br />

While its chief objective is <strong>the</strong> individual contact with <strong>the</strong> sacred,<br />

pilgrimage is an activity undertaken by groups <strong>of</strong> diverse back-grounds<br />

from different localities. In this final discussion, attention will be<br />

directed to <strong>the</strong> social aspects <strong>of</strong> pilgrimage as a type <strong>of</strong> group action.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se aspects may be viewed in terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social structure <strong>of</strong> pilgrim<br />

groups in <strong>the</strong>ir home communities, or <strong>the</strong> concepts and norms which<br />

govern <strong>the</strong>ir conventional behavior.<br />

Scholars have noted <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> change involved in <strong>the</strong> movement<br />

<strong>of</strong> pilgrims from local community to sacred center. Obeyesekere<br />

( 1966) views Buddhist pilgrimage in Sri Lanka as an activity which<br />

transfers pilgrims from <strong>the</strong> localized model <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> village and region to<br />

<strong>the</strong> national model <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pilgrimage center. <strong>The</strong> "localized model"<br />

refers to <strong>the</strong> local deities, <strong>the</strong>ir attributes, myths, and <strong>the</strong> rituals associated<br />

with tbem, which vary from one village or region to ano<strong>the</strong>r. This<br />

complex, for each village or region, defines <strong>the</strong> limits <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> community<br />

<strong>of</strong> devotees (over which <strong>the</strong> respective deities have jurisdiction and<br />

authority) and validates its social structure (1966: 16). <strong>The</strong> "national<br />

model" refers to <strong>the</strong> sacred Buddhist shrines which attract devotees<br />

from villages all over <strong>the</strong> country who share understandings, meanings,<br />

prayers, and rituals associated with tbe Buddha and his teachings, who<br />

assemble toge<strong>the</strong>r at sacred places ''in a commonality <strong>of</strong> worship" wbere<br />

status distinctions are irrelevant (ibid.: 23). <strong>The</strong> transfer <strong>of</strong> pilgrims

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