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The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

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REVIEW ARTICLES<br />

BACKGROUND TO THE SRI VIJAYA STORY-PART IV,<br />

Senarat Paranavitana, Ceylon and Malaysia, (Lake House, 1966), and<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r sources <strong>of</strong> interlinear writing (see list in section 21)<br />

16. VIJAYABAHU I, PARAKRAMABAHU I<br />

AND NISSAMKAMALLA<br />

This part, in fifty pages, deals with <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> Ceylon from <strong>the</strong><br />

Accession <strong>of</strong> Vijayabahu <strong>the</strong> Great in 1073 to <strong>the</strong> coming <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Portuguese<br />

in 1505, a period <strong>of</strong> over four centuries. Nobody can accuse me <strong>of</strong> not<br />

bringing down <strong>the</strong> cost <strong>of</strong> 1i ving. But <strong>the</strong> aim is not to tell <strong>the</strong> history<br />

<strong>of</strong> Ceylon as such, but to give that history within <strong>the</strong> pattern <strong>of</strong> a history<br />

<strong>of</strong> Sri Vijaya. <strong>The</strong> story is based on <strong>the</strong> accepted sources with <strong>the</strong><br />

addition <strong>of</strong> two Ceylonese inscriptions recently published; while Paranavitana's<br />

sources <strong>of</strong> interlinear writing will only be used sparingly as<br />

connecting links in <strong>the</strong> overall story. <strong>The</strong> two 'new inscriptions' are<br />

<strong>the</strong> Panusvasnuvara Pillar Inscription <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 9th century where <strong>the</strong> toponym<br />

Yavaju-Kalingubimhi appears; and <strong>the</strong> Madirigiri Slab Inscription<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 11th century with <strong>the</strong> name Samara Vijayottunga. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

inscriptions comprise two <strong>of</strong> four irrefutable pieces <strong>of</strong> evidence, three <strong>of</strong><br />

which have already been mentioned in <strong>the</strong> third part <strong>of</strong> this paper,<br />

while <strong>the</strong> fourth will be submitted in Section 17 below. With all this<br />

new evidence. <strong>the</strong> story <strong>of</strong> this four hundred years' period produced by<br />

historians <strong>of</strong> Sri Lanka must be looked at again from an entirely new<br />

angle. Irrespective <strong>of</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> Kalinga in <strong>the</strong> story was in Orissa­<br />

India, as <strong>the</strong> Simhalese historians have thought, or it was in Sou<strong>the</strong>ast<br />

Asia, as <strong>the</strong> evidence now shows, it seems curious that <strong>the</strong>se historians<br />

have never asked <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>the</strong> reasons why <strong>the</strong> Kalinga princes who<br />

became kings <strong>of</strong> Ceylon, such as Nissamkamalla and Magba, ever invaded<br />

<strong>the</strong> island in <strong>the</strong> first place. It is difficult to see Ceylon as a worthwhile<br />

prize considering <strong>the</strong> enormous risks involved in <strong>the</strong> whole enterprise<br />

<strong>of</strong> an oversea invasion across such vast distances. I hope it is still<br />

not too late to ask this question though my study can only be superficial<br />

for lack <strong>of</strong> space and knowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> subject. But <strong>the</strong> main object is<br />

to extract a little history <strong>of</strong> Sri Vijaya from <strong>the</strong> confusion.

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