The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

200 James B. Pruess
those status differences in the secular realm which are symbolically
validated in the religious context of venera! ion and merit-making. For
example, the designations of status with regard to merit are apparent
during the mass circumambulations of the stupa which occur during the
festival: although the lay participants are persons of both sexes, all ages,
most occupations, many localities, in such processions the laity are
always preceded by monks, novices, and ''nuns," in that order. Likewise,
photographs of a circumambulation procession during a royal
visit to the shrine indicate that the King is leading the group, with the
Queen following at a distance of twenty paces or so, while government
officials are well behind the royal personages (no monks or novices are
visible). Individuals whose merit-status is socially recognized or whose
behavior (through the observance of precepts) as world-renouncers
approximates the Buddhist ideal are the acknowledged first in line for
all organized group devotional processions of this nature.
In addition, many pilgrim groups are formed on the basis of previously
existing social aggregates such as village or urban temple communities.
Once these groups arrive at the shrine, their devotions are the result of
a joint effort, performed as an extension of community merit-making in
the local setting, with the shrine replacing the local temple as the field
for the action. While these groups may be temporarily united spatially
during the mass veneration of the sacred object, in general there is no
social mixing between them or between pilgrims of different regional and
economic backgrounds.
Furthermore, Theravada Buddhist pilgrimage produces no formal
change in social status with regard to returned pilgrims back in their
home communities. This is in contrast to the experiences of Thai Muslims
who journey to Mecca. After returning from this long and expensive
trip, the Thai Muslim pilgrim receives the title of "haji" (one who
has successfully completed the hadj) and enjoys prestige and social
esteem. The Muslim pilgrimage, in this regard, more closely approximates
the processual nature of a rite of passage. Theravada Buddhist
pilgrimage, on the other hand, is a recurrent undertaking which brings
about an internal alteration in the merit store of the pilgrim rather than
effecting any permanent change in external social relations.