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The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

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16 Nicholas Tarling<br />

was that he saw more clearly than o<strong>the</strong>rs that royal identification with<br />

reaction would have been <strong>the</strong> way to civil war, not to constitutional<br />

monarchy. Some, by contrast, imply tbat he should have identified<br />

himself more closely with <strong>the</strong> Promoters' regime. He should not have<br />

spent so much time out <strong>of</strong> Bangkok at Hua Hin or, after <strong>the</strong> Bowaradej<br />

outbreak, at Songkla or, ultimat~ly, abroad. Perhaps, indeed, he needed<br />

an especially clear head to follow out his own bard-won policy among<br />

old-fashioned counsellors and courtiers. But on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, he<br />

believed, with some justice, that be could have no influence on <strong>the</strong><br />

Promoters if he simply endorsed all <strong>the</strong>ir actions and became <strong>the</strong>ir king.<br />

King Prajadbipok lost his battle, but it is bard to be sure that be<br />

made major mistakes in strategy or tactics. If <strong>the</strong> revolution was not<br />

to be followed by major bloodshed, <strong>the</strong>n political power was almost<br />

certain to remain for a long time in <strong>the</strong> bands <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> civilian-military<br />

oligarchy that bad seized power; among whom, too, <strong>the</strong> military would<br />

have a strong, even increasing, influence. <strong>The</strong> country is still working<br />

out <strong>the</strong> implications <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> revolution. It is searching, ra<strong>the</strong>r as <strong>the</strong><br />

King searched, for an Assembly that will share power and behave<br />

moderately, diminishing <strong>the</strong> role both <strong>of</strong> civilian extremists and <strong>of</strong><br />

military politicians.<br />

<strong>The</strong> fear <strong>of</strong> intervention helped to induce moderation among <strong>the</strong><br />

Promoters, and <strong>the</strong> King made use <strong>of</strong> it. He accepted <strong>the</strong> revolution,<br />

but hoped to affect its outcome. His attitude, <strong>the</strong> Foreign Office recognised,<br />

was important as a stabilising factor, although a representative<br />

<strong>of</strong> Vickers, who noted <strong>the</strong> importance in <strong>the</strong> coup <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> armoured cars<br />

<strong>the</strong> firm had been selling, also noted that <strong>the</strong> King 'seemed to have no<br />

desire to make a fight <strong>of</strong> it nor did any <strong>of</strong> his advisers appear to have<br />

much in <strong>the</strong> way <strong>of</strong> guts•;s4 and Dormer relayed a report 'that <strong>the</strong> main<br />

reason which prompted <strong>the</strong> King to accept <strong>the</strong> revolutionaries' demands,<br />

and return to <strong>the</strong> capital was <strong>the</strong> fear <strong>of</strong> what might befall <strong>the</strong> royal<br />

princes', held as hostages. 55 Dormer reported in August that relations<br />

between King and Executive Committee were 'perfectly amicable', but<br />

54) Enclosure in Birch to Foreign Office, 13 July 1932, F.O. 371/16261 (F5547/<br />

4260/40).<br />

~51 Dormeqo Silll.OD, 28 July 1932! No. 158 1<br />

F.Q •• 371(16t61 (F~S63(4260(40).

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