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The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

The Journal of the Siam Society Vol. LXIV, Part 1-2, 1976 - Khamkoo

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248 Laurence D. Stifel<br />

<strong>The</strong> division <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total turnover rate into a warranted rate and<br />

involuntary rate is a very crude device. <strong>The</strong> rationale for this conceptual<br />

distinction is to emphasize that <strong>the</strong> total turnover rate does not<br />

necessarily imply <strong>the</strong> severe rural distress which it may suggest on first<br />

inspection. One reasonable explanation for <strong>the</strong> major component <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

turnover is <strong>the</strong> normal, inter-generational transfer <strong>of</strong> land; <strong>the</strong> residual,<br />

<strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> involuntary turnover, has not been high for sustained periods<br />

nor <strong>the</strong> trend worsening. <strong>The</strong> economy had <strong>the</strong> strength and resilience<br />

to recover from <strong>the</strong> severe, external shocks <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> depression and <strong>the</strong><br />

Second World War.<br />

Trends in Equality<br />

According to <strong>the</strong> conventional wisdom, powerful forces operative in<br />

<strong>the</strong> Central Plain are increasingly concentrating economic power and<br />

widening <strong>the</strong> inequality between social classes. This study focuses upon<br />

one significant dimension <strong>of</strong> economic power, <strong>the</strong> control <strong>of</strong> rice land.<br />

<strong>The</strong> evidence discussed in <strong>the</strong> following paragraphs indicates that<br />

ownership shares reflect a persistent stability which is quite inconsistent<br />

with <strong>the</strong> conclusions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Burmo-Malthusian model.<br />

Equality will be considered first in terms <strong>of</strong> each individual's total<br />

landholdings, which consist <strong>of</strong> title deeds held exclusively in his<br />

name or his share (assumed proportional to <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> owners) in<br />

title deeds registered in more than one name. Since <strong>the</strong>re was no means <strong>of</strong><br />

knowing family relationships from <strong>the</strong> data, <strong>the</strong> analysis necessarily<br />

concerns individual ra<strong>the</strong>r than family holdings, although family landawnings<br />

would have been a better measure <strong>of</strong> social welfare in <strong>the</strong> village.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is no a priori means <strong>of</strong> knowing whe<strong>the</strong>r, if it were feasible, <strong>the</strong><br />

shifting from an individual to a family basis for calculating land distribution<br />

would improve or worsen equality.<br />

Before discussing alternative measurements <strong>of</strong> inequality, it is<br />

necessary to discuss <strong>the</strong> "family name problem" in <strong>the</strong> classification <strong>of</strong><br />

title deeds by individual. As part <strong>of</strong> a national effort to modernize <strong>the</strong><br />

society, King Vajiravudh decreed in 1916 that every <strong>Siam</strong>ese family<br />

must adopt a family name or surname. Prior to 1916 a person was<br />

i

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