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ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT

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Box 5.1 Is there a free lunch?-limits to govemment finance<br />

In infrastructure projects, the cheaper credit available to centage-point advantage tmnslates into a unit cost reducgover:unents<br />

needs to be weighed against possible inef- don of 20 percent. In other words, it would take almost a<br />

ficiencies in channeling funds through government. in- 6-percentage-point Interest rate advantage to negate the<br />

efficiencies arise when financial dWipline is relaxed as a inefficiencies described.<br />

result of government sponsorship.<br />

Consumers would undoubtedly benefit if it were pos-<br />

For n powergeneration plant, with construction costs sible to combine low interest rates and efficient provision.<br />

acounting for 70 percent of ail costs and a 10 pent In- But the goal of a free lunch may be illusory. Even creditterest<br />

rate, construction cost overnuns of 20 percent and worthy govenuments cannot borrow unlimited amounts<br />

delays in construction of two years each lead to a 15 per- at low cost. The evidence Is that governments' costs of<br />

cent increase in unit costs of power produced. The track raising funds rise with the level of bornwins& Also, high<br />

record for publicly sponsored projectshows that such levels of bormroing at a particular time increase debt levcost<br />

overruns and time delays are conunon, leading to a els and limit the amount that can be borrowed later,<br />

cumulative cost increase of about 35 percent Compare thereby redudng goverunent liquidity. These are further<br />

this with an interest-rate advantage for governnent, reasonswhygovenmmentsmaybeweBladvisedtoentrust<br />

which can borrow at, for example, 10 percent rather than to private sponsorshlp those infrastructure investments<br />

the 13 percent available to private investors. This 3-per- that can be undertaken by private entrepreneurs.<br />

vise be financially viable Balanced against this ad- contrast, policy or institutional reforms and prcvantage<br />

has been the difficulty of maintaining ac- tices that build long-term sustainability (such as<br />

countability, leading often to high costs of provision maintenance and user participation) require greater<br />

for the consumer (Box 5.1). Moreover, being credit- donor commitment to providing steady support,<br />

worthy does not imply that governments have un- through longer-periods of preparation and implelimited<br />

access to resources.<br />

mentation.<br />

Governments' ability to spend on infrastructure A World Bank review of urban water supply and<br />

has been severely constrained, in part because poor sanitation projects identified typical proolems. Seriperformance<br />

and pncing have strained govemment ous cost overuns (the group of projects as a whole<br />

budgets, as described in Chapter 2. Where budgets cost 33 percent more than the appraisal estimates)<br />

have been tightened for macroeconomic reasons, and time overruns (46 percent of the projects rethe<br />

large share that infrastructure represents in gov- quired two to four extra years to complete) greatly<br />

ernment investment has led to proportionately increased costs of service provision. Maintenance<br />

sharp reductions in spending in this sector. In the was severely neglected because a lack of funds cre-<br />

Philippines, for example, public mivestment in infra- ated shortages of skilled staff and spare parts. The<br />

structure fell from 5 percent of GDP between 1979 review found that borrowers had often failed to<br />

and 1983 to less than 2 percent during the remain- comply with loan covenants, especially those relatder<br />

of the 1980s. Such sharp declines are appropni- ing to prcing and financial performance.<br />

ate where unnecessary or inefficient spending on in- hn the case of bilateral assistance, a furither probfrastructure<br />

is the cause of budgetary problems, or' lem that especially afflicts infrastructure arises from<br />

where macroeconomic adjustment is needed. How- the full or partial tying of aid-the requirement that<br />

ever, a continued low level of spending on infra- funds be spent on goods or services purchased only<br />

structure is not sustainable in the long term; re- from specified countries. In recent years between<br />

newal of economic growth requires accompanying two-thirds and three-quarters of official developinvestments<br />

ir infrastructure.<br />

ment assistance to infrastructure has been fully or<br />

International donor policies and practices have parally tied. By contrast, less than 20 percent of ofsometimes<br />

reinforced distortions in recipient coun- ficial development assistance going to areas other<br />

tries. Many donors have focused on financing new than ifrastructure is tied. By definition, tying aid<br />

physial construction rather than on maintaining or precludes international competition in procureimproving<br />

existing infrastructure Like mmistries menL The Principles for Effective Aid agreed on in<br />

of public works, donor agencies find it easier to 1992 by the Development Assistance Committee<br />

measure their acidevements in new project ap- (DAC) of the OECD reaffirmed the superiority of<br />

provals. Moreover, physical works draw on the untied aid and specfied that, except for the least de-.<br />

well-practiced technical skills of donor agencies. By veloped countries, tied aid should not be extended<br />

91

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