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ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT

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government-owned subway system began opera- that can contest the market limits the risks of mntion,<br />

large buses became less profitable, and the rate nopoly abuse. The implication is that, absent comof<br />

return that had formerly been guaranteed to bus pelling arguments to the contrary, all new entrants<br />

companies by regulation became univiable. Efforts should be allowed to provide services, with the<br />

to maintain the rate of return by raising fares on market deciding how many providers can operate<br />

large buses caused passengers to abandon bus profitably. Potential competition is most effective<br />

transport, leading to taxi shortages, overuse of cars, where new entrants tave limited sunk costs of marand<br />

continuing congestion. ket entry-that is, when entrants.can recover their<br />

Thus, when substitutes are available, regulation investments by selling their assets if they decide to<br />

can have especially perverse effects. To shore up re-. pull out of the business. Technological change and<br />

turns in tlte regulated sector, regulators often ex- easing of regulatory constraints are permitting<br />

tend their reach to sectors in which natural monop greater contestability<br />

oly elements are weak. It -is far better in these ' Much of the experience with direct competition<br />

crcumstances to allow the competition from sub- in infrastructure is relatively new, but the results<br />

stitutes to discipline the conduct of the alleged validate the benefits of competition. Systematic evimonopolisL<br />

dence of efficiency gains from greater competition<br />

Co*petitin i. i.frastructe .narket- '.<br />

-comes mainly from the United States, which, after<br />

CoipeStitioi in inJimtruicture tiMarkets<br />

years of regulation, has introduced a number of<br />

Although infrastructure markets with nurnerous major deregulatory initiatives over the past two<br />

suppliers are rare, competition among a few rival decades. In virtually all sectors, greater competition<br />

providers can lower costs and prices. The thieory has led to. lower prices or better services for conof<br />

contestable markets says thtat even where suiners-while efficiency gains and new technoloeconomnies<br />

of scale and scope favor a single gies or business practices have led to sustained profprovider,<br />

the existence of potential rival suppliers itability (Box 3.2).<br />

Box 32<br />

Regulatory cycles in the United States<br />

With its long history of private infrastrcture provision, timate, 17 percent of the U.S. gross national product<br />

the United States exemplifies the changes in regulatory (GNP) in 1977 was produced by fully regulated indugoals<br />

and implementalion and the ensuing cycles in reg- tries; by 1988, this proportion had declined to 6.6 perulatory<br />

poliy. In the late nineteenth century and well cent as large parts of the transportation, communicainto<br />

the early part of the twentieth centur, much compe- tions, energy, and financal sectors were freed of<br />

tition prevailed, especially in electric power and economic regulationL Greater operational freedom and<br />

teleconnmunications. - competitive threats stimulated service providers to<br />

An early instance of economic regulation-the Inter- adopt new marketing, technological, and organizational<br />

state Commnerce Act of 1887-was concerned with mo- practices. The evidence from the United States points to<br />

nopoly power in railway operations. The bounds of substantial economicgains from deregulation, as shown<br />

economic regulation were extended gradually, btut espe- in Box table 32-<br />

cialy during the 1930s and the Great Depression, to virtually<br />

all infrastructure sectors and to other areas of pub- Box table 32 Estited gains from competition<br />

lic interest (for example, creating service obligations and through deregulation of infrastructur sectors<br />

information disdosure requirements). - - the United Sttes<br />

Delivery of infrastructure thus came to be based on a<br />

Fslimotdal niame<br />

particular social compact The service provider was typi- ExStof ga fiun dutio<br />

cally provided with exdlusive rights to specific markets, -Seo dgnuFalion (billions of 1990 U.S. dollars)<br />

and, in return, the government took on the public re- Airlines Complete 13.7-19.7<br />

sponsibility of ensunng that service obligations were ful- Tmrcing, Substantial 10.6<br />

filled at easonable and just" prices. Inflationary pres- Railroads Partial 10.4-12.9<br />

sures of the early 1970s caused regulators to intervene Telecom- Substantial 0i7-1.6<br />

even more heavily in the operations of service providers. munications<br />

Health, safety, and enviromnental regulation also gained Natural gas Partial Substantial gains<br />

momentum around this time<br />

to consumers<br />

Public dissatisfaction with regulatory outcomes re- NetlcGains troi compefition cover netguinstoproducess(in teris of<br />

profits), consumers (pdiCCS and service quality), and industbv emnploysuited<br />

a move to reduce economic regulation in many ees(wagesandemployment).<br />

sectors in the late 1970s and 1980s. According to one es- Suture Viscsi, VerneRand Harrington 1992; Winston 1993.<br />

57

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