ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT
ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT
ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT
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market provision are adopted witiin a short span<br />
of time as part of a consistently designed program. Fig- as,ji ta ''<br />
Where institutional legacies-concerns about - eommaiocleadto large g<br />
labor redundancy, F r example-prevent immediate<br />
privatization,' opening the sector up to substan- C<br />
tial new entry may be a strong sign of goverrunent ; T_otal welf ,gans as,a percen tag<br />
commitment to sector reform.<br />
o,fannual sales<br />
One recommended sequencing strategy is to start 180<br />
with the design of statutory regulation that sets the<br />
rules of the game. This is to be followed by the de- 160<br />
termination of the appropriate industry structure<br />
(the degree of unbundling, extent of new entry, and<br />
split of existing providers to prevent economic<br />
dominance) and privatization. Chile comes closest<br />
to having implemented this sequence over the pe- 120<br />
riod of a decade, although industry structure has<br />
continued to evolve after privatization. Other countries<br />
have folowed pragmatic strategies, dictated by<br />
their crumstances, with impressive results.. Three<br />
examples illustrate transional options and issues. 80<br />
ARGENTINA. Argentina has adopted the most farreaching<br />
privatization program, designed to create<br />
competitive conditions in the economy. -A major<br />
infrastructure providers were privatized between<br />
1989 and 1993, and activities were unbundled to foster<br />
competition. In the electric power sector, genera- 20<br />
dion, transmission, and distribution were separated;<br />
two telecommunications franchises were awarded<br />
to serve the north and the souti; and railways were<br />
separated along different lines of business. Tdecom T Br:T3sh<br />
Although privaization has occurred rapidly, the (Onle) -xi) Telecom<br />
capacity for regulatory oversight has lagged (as it<br />
has in most developing countries other than Chile, oe Wfre gans are the smof gasaing to<br />
where sophisticated regulatory capabilities were p p nsiLir, and-consumers:<br />
put in place prior to privatization). The absence of S GJ 4Oad lnfo<br />
regulatory oversight has not been an impediment so 4-<br />
far;, lowever, where market forces do not provide<br />
adequate discipline, efficient functioning will require<br />
regulation. Antitrust regulations will need new generators. Opening generation to new proparticular<br />
attention in view of the heavy concentra- viders required the elimination of the monopoly ention<br />
of ownership. The Chilean experience, with one joyed by the National Power Corporation, a governprivate<br />
firn owning 65 percent of generating capac- ment-owned utility that has not been privatized<br />
ity, shows that a dominant provider can influence These reforms came in response to an almost<br />
market outcomes. Also in Chile, concerns have been crippling power shortage. The urgency was so great<br />
expressed that the large installed base of the local that new entry had to be based on contractual agreetelephone<br />
company may prevent fair competition ments between the govermnent and private generawhlen<br />
the company begins to provide long-distance tors, since reform of the Electricity Regulation Board<br />
services. And everywhere, market provision will re- would have taken too long. By August 1993, seven<br />
quire greater information disclosure and public new projects with a combined capacity of 800<br />
feedback-<br />
megawatts had been completed, and five additional<br />
generators were placed under private contracts for<br />
PHIUPPINES. In the Philippine power sector, pri- rehabilitation and operation. Fifteen more projects<br />
vate provision was based entirely on the entry of (2,000 megawatts of capacity) are under negotiation.<br />
.65