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ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT

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Roads are not private goods, although for rea- Infrastructure activities that create extenalities or<br />

sons that differ with the type of road. Rural roads (a produce essential services to captive uses may also<br />

typical public good) and uncongested interurban warrant some regulation, but this can be narrowly<br />

roads are not completely rival because an additional fooused on these market imperfections while perdrver<br />

does not reduce the value of anyone else's mitting wide scope for competition in other compouse<br />

of the road. Access to some interurban roads nents of the sector.<br />

can be prevented by making them toll roads (a das- Certain characteristics of infrastructure also cresic<br />

"dub" good, i.e., a good tthat is excludable but ate challenges in financing. Where a minimum level<br />

nonrival). By contrast, urban roads are congested of consumption of a particular service (such as<br />

during peak perods, but until recently it has been water, heating, or power) can be identified as a lifedifficult<br />

to exclude users from urban roads or to line' for some users, society may judge that they<br />

charge users different amounts durngpeak and off- should not be excluded if they cannot afford to pay.<br />

peak periods. New electronic techniques of moni- Financing strategies also have to be designed to take<br />

toring road use may eventually make it technically account of the risk that arises because many infrafeasible<br />

to treat many urban roads almost as private structure investmnents are large and long-lived,<br />

goods.<br />

while the revenue stream is often slow to develop.<br />

Water outside of piped networks is often-in. Such characteristics can justify some public financpractice<br />

and in principle-a xcommon property' ing of infrastructure from general revenues, but to<br />

resource. While water consumption is rival between supplement-not entirely substitute for-the revusers,<br />

monitoring the use of groundwater from un- enues obtained from users and conmunercial sources<br />

derground aquifers or from other natural sources is of finance.<br />

difficult and costly, and therefore groundwater use<br />

is rarely exdudable. By the same tokeni, controlling Public sector dominanice<br />

infrzstructure<br />

the consumption of common property resources is<br />

also difficult How mudc the extraction of water hifrastructure dearly represents a strong public in-<br />

(from aquifers or natural flows) affects other poten- terest, and so merits the attention of governments.<br />

tial users depends on location-specific hydrological However, the special characteristics of infrastrucfeatures<br />

that are important in water policy.<br />

ture do not explain or justify the fact that govern-<br />

Although most infrastructure goods are private, ments and public sector agencies have dominated<br />

they produce spillovers or external effects-mnany almost all aspects rf this sector in developing counof<br />

which (as shown earlier) affect the environment tries in recent i .ddes. Private participation was<br />

Ignoring the important negative externality of emis- important in the nineteenth century and the first<br />

sions from fossil fuel power generation could lead half of the twentieth century in many countriesto<br />

excess power being produced with the wrong and some pockets of private provision still renix<br />

of fuels. By contrast,some cities have neglected main-but the overwhelming trend until the early<br />

to develop a well-designed public transport system, 1980s was government or parastatal provision,<br />

even though such a system can have positive envi- largely through verticaiiy integrated, monolithic enronmental<br />

effects and also promote social equity. To tities. By then, only a small percentage of the power<br />

ensure that society obtains positive benefits-such sector was in private hands. Virtually no private<br />

as public health benefits from water and sanita- telecomznunications firms existe-i, and most early<br />

tion-the private goods must also be delivered ef- private railways had disappeared with nationalizafectively.<br />

tion. Although toll roads played a part in the early<br />

Thus, although infrastucture services differ from history of many countries, they also became rare,<br />

other goods, they also differ among themselves and road construction (and especially maintenance)<br />

(Fgure 1.3). The characteristics of various infra- was executed largely by government employees, or<br />

strucure activities have important implications for force account. Other services-water, sewerage,<br />

how services should be provided. To the extent that waste disposal-alsa tended to be both owned and<br />

specific infrastructure activities entail natural mo- operated by govemments at either the national or<br />

nopoly or depend on a network characterized by the local leveL<br />

natural monopoly, they will not be provided effi- The dominant public sector role in ifrastructure<br />

ciently by an unfettered market. The network com- has arisen for a number of reasons: recognition of<br />

ponent can, however, be separated (unbundled) ifrastruchtre's economic and political importance;<br />

from the more competitive activities of the sector, a belief that problems with the supply technology<br />

with regulation to ensure fair access to the network required a highly activist response by governments;<br />

24

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