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ASi" kUCTURE FlOR DEVELOPMENT

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Providing suffident resources, autonomy, and though often monopoly) provision of infrastrcture<br />

credibility for the. regulator<br />

services has been the nonn. The United States,. rely-<br />

* Where price regulation is necessary, choosing ing on federal and state commissions, has develinstruments<br />

that encourage cost efficency in the oped a significant capacity for autonomous regularegulated<br />

entity<br />

tion. Although the process is remarkably open, it is<br />

* Creating constituencies in the regulatory also characterized by adversarial relationships and<br />

process.<br />

litigation. Europe and Japan have had less experience<br />

with explict regulation, since they rely on<br />

RECULAmRY RESOURCES, AUTONOMY, AND CREDI- public monopolies, combined with regulatory and<br />

BILITY. Regulation requires detailed knowledge and operatiortal responsibilities. Even when regulatory<br />

continual monitoring of the activity concerned. The instruments such as price controls, technical stanregulatory<br />

menu includes problem identification, dards, and entry licensing have been used, they<br />

fact finding, rulemaking, and enforcemenL Regula- have been implemented by related ministries or intors<br />

need to be able to shift course in order to antici- terministerial committees rather than by specific<br />

pate or respond to changing conitions in the indus- regulatory agencies. The U nited Kingdom has retry.<br />

They also need.operational autonomy within a cently moved .toward privatization and indepenbroad<br />

policy mandate to ensure their effectiveness. dent regulation, and similar reforms are tking<br />

Because doing all of this well requires a detailed place elsewhere in Europe. Developing countries<br />

worldng knowledge of the industry, there is a strong have virtually no experience with regulation of pricase<br />

for regulatory bodies to be specialized and au- ivate providers because their infrastructure entertonomous<br />

public agencies, rather than general bu- prises have, in the main, been publicly owned and<br />

reaucracies. But because sectoraly specialized agen- operated- An exception is Hong Kong, which is well<br />

ces are more susceptible to capture by the known for its encouragement of private initiative<br />

industry-and so are more likely to perpetuate reg- but which has a regulatory system that protects<br />

ulation that favors incumbents-the regulatory consumer interests.<br />

agency must be monitored as welL. A problem for developing countries is assem-<br />

Much of the experience with statutory regulation bling experienced professionals to staff a regulatory<br />

derives from North America, where the private (al- agency Regulators have limited resources and are<br />

Box 3.7. The evolution of private power in the Thilppines<br />

The Philippes evolutionary approach to attracting pri- menting rules and regulations-the law created a dearer<br />

vate entrepreneurs in power generation is instructive. In legal basis for allowing entrv by private capital, though<br />

July 1987 private power generation becane a deliberate still requiring tmnsfer of owrnership back to the governelement<br />

of government policy and effectively signaled ment at the end of the concession period.<br />

the end of the generating monopoly of the state-owsned The Philippines is also seeldng to streamline the pri-<br />

National Power Corporation. Although the first project, vate powser solicitation process. Under preset arrange-<br />

Hopewell Navotas I, was successfilly negotiated and ments, the effectiveness of project contracts depends on<br />

conumenced operation in 1991, early dealings with other several conditions that must be met after the contracts<br />

private proposalswere generally not fruitful. A proposal are signed. Delays or failures to meet certain conditions<br />

for a 220-megawatt cogeneration plant did not proceed can jeopardize a project The National Power Corporabeyond<br />

the negotiation stage in 1989, in part because of tion is seeking to establish model contracts. preapproved<br />

inadequacies and inconsistencies in adminiistering regu- by concemed government agencies, to facilitate private<br />

lations. The lessons from the failed effort helped ongoing participationL This arrangement is expected to enable inefforts<br />

to improve regulatory and clearance procedures. vestbrs to proceed immediately from signing the con-<br />

-After 1989, Philippine agencies associated with pri- tract to finalizing the financing plan.<br />

vate power began to work in a more coordinated man- The urgency in creating new capacity in the Philipner<br />

There was greater participation from the National pines led to expensive power generation. Early projects<br />

Economnic Development Authority (which had played a used "peak-load" plants that can be installed rapidly but<br />

key role in initiating the private power program) and operate at very high cost and are designed to serve only<br />

more ranlIdng of priorities through the Investment Coor- for the few hours in the day when demand is very high<br />

dinating Commnittee. A major improvement in the frame- Subsequent projects, p:epared under less time pressure,<br />

work for reviewing and cdearing proposals was the 1990 have addressed this concern. At the same time, expenbuild-operate-transfer<br />

law and its accomparying imple- ence has allowed project size to grow.<br />

67

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