s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
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144<br />
Richard L. Lanigan<br />
speak their opponent’s language. In short, my goal in this paper is to describe<br />
this little known unique event of languages in contact: The Navajo code talkers.<br />
While bilingual English-Japanese soldiers <strong>we</strong>re available on both sides during<br />
WWII, the U.S. Marine Corps had the innovative idea of using a third language<br />
to confuse the Japanese. This idea was plausible because of the existence<br />
of the Native American ethnic group of the South<strong>we</strong>stern United States called<br />
Diné, which means simply the “People” or “Human”(Kluckhohn 1974). The<br />
more common usage (because of history) is Navajo, the name given by the invading<br />
Spanish in the 17th century. Most Navajo’s are bilingual in American<br />
English, many are trilingual in Spanish. The men of this tribe <strong>we</strong>re recruited by<br />
the U.S. Marine Signal Corps to develop a code in the Navajo language to use<br />
on radio-telephones in combat. This is a story of “familiarity” because Navajo is<br />
a tonal language very close in phonology to Japanese, yet utterly incomprehensible,<br />
“frustrating” in syntax and semantics to the Japanese ear. This is the first<br />
level of the code. The second level consisted of using Navajo nouns and verbs<br />
used to describe Nature as substitutes for words in American English used to<br />
describe soldiers’ ranks, equipment, actions, and relationships, along with<br />
names of the countries in the Allied Army.<br />
Thus, even a Japanese who spoke Navajo, there <strong>we</strong>re none! (cf. Davis 2000)<br />
would not understand the message because of the extreme contrast with cultural<br />
referents, especially, nature and its objects. The “view of nature” that one has in<br />
the American South<strong>we</strong>st could not be in greater contrast to the cultural frame of<br />
Nature familiar to any Japanese. An additional “familiarity” factor that leads to<br />
intensified frustration is the fact that both the Diné and Japanese are classified<br />
as group or sociocentric cultures where language is in the service of group<br />
perception and affiliation, as opposed to individual expression and reflection (an<br />
egocentric culture characteristic) in English.<br />
1. The cultural history of the people<br />
The Navajo or Diné are justifiably called simply the “People” because they<br />
originated in pre-history and have evolved as a group culture by contact with<br />
many other groups through time. This story is far to complex to recount here,<br />
but let me note that a comprehensive history will be found in two primary<br />
works, The Navajo by Clyde Kluckhohn and Dorothea Leighton (1974) and<br />
more recently Diné: A History of the Navajos by Peter Iverson (2002). The history<br />
begins with the Anasazi (“the ancient ones”) who occupied Canyon de<br />
Chilly in the “Four Corners” area (Figure 1, map site near Chinle) from 100<br />
BCE to 700 CE. The civilization reached its height at Publeo Bonito (Figures<br />
2 and 3; officially the Chaco Culture Natonal Historical Park) from 828 to 1126<br />
CE (Figure 1, map site near Farmington). Although the “Spanish Period” of the