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The Japanese encounter with Navajo (Diné) “code talkers” in World War II 147<br />

As <strong>we</strong> have just revie<strong>we</strong>d, the history of the Navajo and their language use<br />

is part of a complex po<strong>we</strong>r struggle for cultural identity heavily associated with<br />

their experience of “language contact” marked by the names The Long Walk<br />

and Fort Sumner. Imbedded in my analysis is a specific discourse model that is<br />

detailed in previous work (Lanigan 1988, 1992, 2009, 2010, 2011a, 2011b), but<br />

for present purposes, <strong>we</strong> may look briefly at Figures 2 and 3. For linguists, I should<br />

note that I tend to follow Michael Alexander Kirkwood Halliday’s approach to<br />

discourse analysis (1999: 415; see “scale and category grammar” and “systemic<br />

grammar” in Malmkjaer 1991: 384–388, 447–452).<br />

Figure 3. Communicology discourse model<br />

Using the discourse theories of Roman Jakobson, Maurice Merleau-Ponty,<br />

and Michel Foucault (discussed in Lanigan 1984, 1988, 1992, 1996a, 1997,<br />

2000, 2008), <strong>we</strong> will be able illustrate the hierarchies of discursive communication<br />

that are at work in the code developed by the Navajo code talkers. We shall<br />

come to this analysis momentarily, but first <strong>we</strong> need to understand some aspects<br />

of the sociocentric group culture that defines the Navajo people (Lanigan 1995,<br />

2009, 2010, 2011a, 2011b).

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