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s - Wyższa Szkoła Filologiczna we Wrocławiu

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Language shift in the Raeto-Romansh community 203<br />

The prerequisite for language shift is always language contact. In a situation<br />

of contact, a community with the minority status speaking L1 interacts with<br />

a dominant group speaking L2. In prolonged contacts, monolinguals in L1 learn<br />

enough of L2 for basic communication. At this stage L2 is used externally in<br />

a diaglossic relationship. Next, the economic pressure, with time, induces full<br />

bilingualism on the part of the minority in question. If bilingualism is unstable,<br />

it may develop into monolingualism in L2, and this is where the shift occurs.<br />

The last stage of the cycle means the death of L1. The usual duration before<br />

a shift is complete takes at least three generations. For Haugen (1980: 152) it is<br />

not a unidirectional development as he says that “there is nothing inevitable in<br />

this cycle”; and then he adds: “One of the external factors that can speed it up or<br />

slow it down is the deliberate will of a group to do so. But this can only occur if<br />

the development is perceived as a problem calling for a solution”.<br />

For the recent decades, German has kept pushing Romansh back into the<br />

mountain valleys of Grisons, where it evolved into five distinct geographical<br />

varieties: Surselvan, Sutselvan (i.e., Upper and Lo<strong>we</strong>r Rhenish), Surmeiran,<br />

Puter (Upper Engadine), and Vallader (Lo<strong>we</strong>r Engadine). The borders bet<strong>we</strong>en<br />

German- and Romansh-speaking areas are blurred with appreciable numbers of<br />

German speaking Swiss even in predominantly Romansh localities. Romansh<br />

people have no urban centre, which used to be Chur. In the opinion of Gottfried<br />

Kolde (1988: 518), “today <strong>we</strong> are witnessing what may be the final phase in the<br />

Germanization of this region”. Indeed, if <strong>we</strong> compare the figures of Romansh<br />

presence in Chur with those in the entire canton of Grisons, the decrease is<br />

greater in Chur than in the canton. In the case of the Romansh, within a decade<br />

from 1990 to 2000, their share fell from 6,9% to 5,4% (2 269 vs. 1 765 persons),<br />

i.e., by 22,5%, whereas in the Grisons from 17,1 to 14,5% (29 679 vs.<br />

27 038), i.e., by 15,3% (Grünert et al. 2008: 251–252).<br />

The prolonged contact bet<strong>we</strong>en two languages may transform into diglossia.<br />

Charles Ferguson (1972 /1959/: 232) originally described such a situation as the<br />

one in which “two varieties of a language exist side by side throughout the<br />

community, with each laving a definite role to play”. For Ferguson the specialization<br />

of function for the High variety and the Low variety was the paramount<br />

feature of diglossia, as he wrote that “[i]n one set of situations only H is appropriate<br />

and in another only L, with the two sets overlapping only very slightly”<br />

(1972: 235). Many discussions concerning Romansh failed to produce an agreed<br />

standpoint on the standard variety. Christina Bratt Paulston (1988: 5) explains<br />

that “shift does not take place in a diglossic-like situation in which the two languages<br />

exist in a situation of functional distribution where each language has its<br />

specified purpose and domain and the one language is inappropriate in the other<br />

situation”. The classic Fergusonian concept of diglossia seems too “narrow” for<br />

the language behavior demonstrated by Romansh speakers. German permeates

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