s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
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156<br />
Richard L. Lanigan<br />
structure of the society. One’s place in the group is never in doubt with po<strong>we</strong>r<br />
moving from the young up to the old (seniority is po<strong>we</strong>r and demand respect).<br />
By comparison, the Navajo tend to display semantic intention by reference to<br />
Nature and ancestral practice.<br />
For our purposes with the code talkers, Nature is the operative concept.<br />
Places and creatures in Nature have names (points of perception) and their characteristic<br />
behavior (perception of process activity) guides the selection of<br />
names. The Nature that the Navajo know is their own environment, the high<br />
desert and rugged mountains of the South<strong>we</strong>stern USA. Names for things in this<br />
world became the code names they used in their own language.<br />
Pragmatic markers in American English are the adjectives used to emotionally<br />
describe the speaker’s attitude in the conversation. These are essential to<br />
a listener’s understanding of the mood of the conversation and the degree of<br />
seriousness involved. A direct contrast is British English where noun usage<br />
specifies cognitive precision without emotion. For the British, American’s never<br />
get to the point and they exaggerate everything. For the Americans, the British<br />
are “cold fish” and too judgmental. The respective semantic intent of the<br />
Americans and British are polar opposites when it comes to speaking “English”<br />
or is it “American”?<br />
A word of caution about pragmatic identity markers among the Navajo (cf.<br />
Cas<strong>we</strong>ll 2009, Kristofie 2011). The Diné language does not have a “v”, therefore<br />
when the Spanish word “Navajo” is pronounced by a Diné speaker it is<br />
articulated as “Nab-bí-ho” (which like all foreign words is not found in the Navajo-English<br />
dictionary). Persons who make this type of mistake in Diné language<br />
are referred to by the Diné as speaking “Trader Navajo” pidgin (“trader”<br />
referring to White persons speaking English).<br />
3. Developing the code and training its talkers<br />
The idea of Navajo code talkers began with Philip Johnston who was working<br />
as a civil engineer in Los Angeles, California when Pearl Harbor was<br />
bombed by the Japanese. Johnston had grown up at Leuppe, Arizona on the<br />
Navajo reservation as the son of Presbyterian missionaries (somewhat rare as<br />
most missionairies <strong>we</strong>re Catholic). He learned to speak “Trader Navajo” as<br />
a child. He read a news story about the Army’s communication experiment with<br />
Comanche Indians during WWI and decided to advance the idea of Navajo code<br />
speakers. 2 He contacted the area Marine Corps Signal Officer, Major James E.<br />
2<br />
A documentary film account is Navajo Code Talkers: The Epic Story, directed by Allan<br />
Silliphant (1995 Brendan W. Tully; ISBN: 0-9639698-1-1); the fictional film version is<br />
Windtalkers, directed by John Woo (2002, Metro Goldwyn Mayer; ISBN: 0-7928-5378-4).