s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
s - Wyższa SzkoÅa Filologiczna we WrocÅawiu
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On the variability of vocalic inventory in Black South African English 53<br />
Table 4. Word substitution by Bantu L1 listeners (adapted from Wissing 2002: 136)<br />
Word<br />
Reader(s)<br />
Substitutes<br />
bed bad bat bird<br />
Totals<br />
bed<br />
bad<br />
head<br />
had<br />
ten<br />
tan<br />
English (34) 66 0 40 140<br />
Bantu (16) 28 2 16 62<br />
English 22 (114) 0 28 164<br />
Bantu 18 (82) − 26 126<br />
hat had head hurt<br />
English 28 28 (68) 22 146<br />
Bantu 26 24 (50) 22 122<br />
English 12 (18) 20 4 54<br />
Bantu 4 (4) 14 − 22<br />
ten tan turn<br />
English (98) 8 104 210<br />
Bantu (78) 6 86 170<br />
English 12 (6) 38 56<br />
Bantu 2 (6) 12 20<br />
Secondly, the numbers bet<strong>we</strong>en brackets render the tokens when there was<br />
a perfect match bet<strong>we</strong>en the word read by the English or Bantu speakers and the<br />
word heard by the Bantu speakers. 8 One can see that there was a higher recognition<br />
of the DRESS vo<strong>we</strong>l in the context [h_d] and [t_n] rather than [b_d]. Conversely,<br />
the TRAP vo<strong>we</strong>l was more readily recognized in the context of [b_d],<br />
rather than [h_d] 9 and [t_n]. The “erroneous” associations, on the other hand,<br />
are a further piece of evidence in favor of the DRESS / TRAP / NURSE merger: for<br />
290 tokens the listeners associated words from the NURSE set with the DRESS<br />
vo<strong>we</strong>l, while for 160 tokens, words form the TRAP set <strong>we</strong>re associated with the<br />
DRESS vo<strong>we</strong>l. Not surprisingly, in only 74 cases words from the DRESS set <strong>we</strong>re<br />
associated with the TRAP vo<strong>we</strong>l. The findings in this study support previous<br />
claims that the DRESS, TRAP and NURSE vo<strong>we</strong>l merge towards DRESS, and also<br />
that TRAP occurs sporadically.<br />
Let me turn now to the status of schwa and its relation to vo<strong>we</strong>l reduction.<br />
Researchers (such as, e.g., Mesthrie 2005, Van Rooy 2008) note that the respective<br />
vo<strong>we</strong>l reduction is largely absent in BSAE. Van Rooy (2008), via Van<br />
8<br />
9<br />
Wissing (2002) excludes them from the substitution results as he shows that they are absent<br />
only for Zulu and Southern Sotho L1 speakers and, hence, a direct matching would not have<br />
been possible for native and non-native speakers of English (a list of the realizations based<br />
on the background of the speaker clarifies the absence of the mentioned input, but it was not<br />
included here for reasons of space).<br />
For the English reader, the Bantu L1 listeners associated it almost equally with head.