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On the variability of vocalic inventory in Black South African English 53<br />

Table 4. Word substitution by Bantu L1 listeners (adapted from Wissing 2002: 136)<br />

Word<br />

Reader(s)<br />

Substitutes<br />

bed bad bat bird<br />

Totals<br />

bed<br />

bad<br />

head<br />

had<br />

ten<br />

tan<br />

English (34) 66 0 40 140<br />

Bantu (16) 28 2 16 62<br />

English 22 (114) 0 28 164<br />

Bantu 18 (82) − 26 126<br />

hat had head hurt<br />

English 28 28 (68) 22 146<br />

Bantu 26 24 (50) 22 122<br />

English 12 (18) 20 4 54<br />

Bantu 4 (4) 14 − 22<br />

ten tan turn<br />

English (98) 8 104 210<br />

Bantu (78) 6 86 170<br />

English 12 (6) 38 56<br />

Bantu 2 (6) 12 20<br />

Secondly, the numbers bet<strong>we</strong>en brackets render the tokens when there was<br />

a perfect match bet<strong>we</strong>en the word read by the English or Bantu speakers and the<br />

word heard by the Bantu speakers. 8 One can see that there was a higher recognition<br />

of the DRESS vo<strong>we</strong>l in the context [h_d] and [t_n] rather than [b_d]. Conversely,<br />

the TRAP vo<strong>we</strong>l was more readily recognized in the context of [b_d],<br />

rather than [h_d] 9 and [t_n]. The “erroneous” associations, on the other hand,<br />

are a further piece of evidence in favor of the DRESS / TRAP / NURSE merger: for<br />

290 tokens the listeners associated words from the NURSE set with the DRESS<br />

vo<strong>we</strong>l, while for 160 tokens, words form the TRAP set <strong>we</strong>re associated with the<br />

DRESS vo<strong>we</strong>l. Not surprisingly, in only 74 cases words from the DRESS set <strong>we</strong>re<br />

associated with the TRAP vo<strong>we</strong>l. The findings in this study support previous<br />

claims that the DRESS, TRAP and NURSE vo<strong>we</strong>l merge towards DRESS, and also<br />

that TRAP occurs sporadically.<br />

Let me turn now to the status of schwa and its relation to vo<strong>we</strong>l reduction.<br />

Researchers (such as, e.g., Mesthrie 2005, Van Rooy 2008) note that the respective<br />

vo<strong>we</strong>l reduction is largely absent in BSAE. Van Rooy (2008), via Van<br />

8<br />

9<br />

Wissing (2002) excludes them from the substitution results as he shows that they are absent<br />

only for Zulu and Southern Sotho L1 speakers and, hence, a direct matching would not have<br />

been possible for native and non-native speakers of English (a list of the realizations based<br />

on the background of the speaker clarifies the absence of the mentioned input, but it was not<br />

included here for reasons of space).<br />

For the English reader, the Bantu L1 listeners associated it almost equally with head.

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