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104<br />
samantha king<br />
As <strong>the</strong> players express <strong>the</strong>ir admiration for breast cancer survivors,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y also describe how <strong>the</strong>ir experiences at <strong>the</strong> race have inspired <strong>the</strong>m<br />
to “do more” for <strong>the</strong> cause. Gonzalez says it is something he might<br />
“wanna do in <strong>the</strong> future,” while Anderson suggests that <strong>the</strong>ir participation<br />
“might help make next year’s race bigger” and that it “hopefully<br />
raised <strong>the</strong> awareness of what <strong>the</strong> Komen Foundation was trying to do.”<br />
Hardy Nickerson points to <strong>the</strong> uplifting stories of survivorship as a motivation<br />
to bring more people into <strong>the</strong> fi ght against breast cancer: “Cuz<br />
<strong>the</strong> more you hear <strong>the</strong> stories, <strong>the</strong> more encouraged you get, and <strong>the</strong><br />
more encouraged you get, <strong>the</strong> more you’re able to encourage someone<br />
else. That’s what life is all about.” Kordell Stewart, who describes his<br />
mo<strong>the</strong>r’s battle with breast cancer and her living 10 years after diagnosis<br />
instead of <strong>the</strong> one year predicted by her doctors, says, “It’s about <strong>the</strong>se<br />
people out here who are struggling with cancer and not knowing if<br />
<strong>the</strong>y’re gonna make it or not. But yet, if we come out here and just give<br />
a helping hand <strong>the</strong>y might get an extra year or so. You just don’t know<br />
how strong <strong>the</strong> mind is.”<br />
In tone and style—<strong>the</strong> sentimental, personal narratives, <strong>the</strong> soft<br />
focus shots, <strong>the</strong> pink-and-white color scheme, <strong>the</strong> centrality of familial<br />
relations, <strong>the</strong> uplifting music—<strong>the</strong> Real Men Wear Pink Campaign is in<br />
many ways a typical breast cancer-related marketing effort. What makes<br />
it a particularly interesting site for analysis, however, is that it condenses<br />
a range of issues relating to gender and racial politics, survivorship,<br />
corporate philanthropy, and <strong>the</strong> bright side of breast cancer.<br />
The players who appear in <strong>the</strong>se commercials, and whose participation<br />
in philanthropic activity is represented by an endless stream of news<br />
releases, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, <strong>the</strong>ir business—<strong>the</strong> NFL—and its social<br />
values. But, as public fi gures whose profession has been inextricably<br />
linked with inner-city criminality and violence through an unrelenting<br />
racialized media discourse of <strong>the</strong> past decade, <strong>the</strong>y also serve ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
purpose (King, 2001). As exemplars of <strong>the</strong> “right side” of <strong>the</strong> NFL, <strong>the</strong>y<br />
represent a willingness to embrace bourgeois, humanistic values such<br />
as <strong>the</strong> need to perform organized, charitable works and to transcend<br />
<strong>the</strong> imagined space of dependence, sloth, and violence from which<br />
<strong>the</strong>y are said to have come. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> NFL responded to <strong>the</strong> negative<br />
public attention it received as a result of <strong>the</strong> arrests of Ray Lewis and<br />
Rae Carruth on separate charges of murder in <strong>the</strong> early months of<br />
2000—attention that frequently cited welfare mo<strong>the</strong>rhood as a factor<br />
in NFL players’ allegedly troubled lives—by focusing more heavily on its<br />
philanthropic activities in public relations communications (King, 2001).<br />
These commercials, <strong>the</strong>refore, have discursive effects that go beyond