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152<br />
kristin a. swenson<br />
in mechanical labor as a means to forget one’s self and <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />
one’s depression. In a control society, little difference exists between<br />
<strong>the</strong> relationships at work and those in <strong>the</strong> social sphere. The ability to<br />
escape one’s depression becomes nearly impossible. No longer is refuge<br />
found in forgetting that one is depressed. Through <strong>the</strong> management<br />
of depression, one is never able to forget that one is depressed. In<br />
both social and work relations, <strong>the</strong> process of continually monitoring,<br />
managing, altering, and becoming that constitutes <strong>the</strong> medicated<br />
depressed person’s relationship with <strong>the</strong> self, mirroring <strong>the</strong> process<br />
in which contemporary life is lived. 14<br />
Notes<br />
The author is grateful to Brynnar Swenson for <strong>the</strong> enthusiastic and ongoing<br />
discussion of <strong>the</strong> ideas presented in this chapter. The author also wishes to thank<br />
Lori Reed and Kirt H. Wilson for <strong>the</strong>ir comments on earlier versions of this<br />
chapter.<br />
1. The Prozac Web site, www.prozac.com, expresses <strong>the</strong>se symptoms as a sign<br />
of depression. This chapter is in no way a critique of those of us who have<br />
experienced depression nor a critique of those who have used medication to<br />
ease our depression. This chapter seeks to understand a relationship between<br />
women, work, and depression.<br />
2. According to <strong>the</strong> DSM-IV-TR (2000) “Major Depressive Disorder (Single<br />
or Recurrent) is twice as common in adolescent and adult females as in<br />
adolescent and adult males” (p. 372). “Women are two to three times” more<br />
likely to experience dysthymic disorder, <strong>the</strong> most common and pervasive form<br />
of depression, than men (p. 378).<br />
3. Importantly, o<strong>the</strong>r female maladies including bulimia, panic disorders, and<br />
irritable bowl syndrome are also considered affective disorders and seem<br />
to suggest that <strong>the</strong> female body is dysfunctional at <strong>the</strong> level of its affect.<br />
Recognizing <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r common female affective disorders is illustrative of <strong>the</strong><br />
point that <strong>the</strong> affect I am speaking of is not reducible to emotion, but ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />
is “<strong>the</strong> transduction of asignifying velocities across bodies” (Griggers, 1997,<br />
p. 111). Brian Massumi (1997), in his article “The Autonomy of Affect,” notes<br />
that affect differs from emotion and that “affect is intensity,” and “follows<br />
different logics and pertain to different orders” (p. 221) than emotion.<br />
4. Women have always been a part of <strong>the</strong> labor force. Black and poor women have<br />
always worked, in both paid and unpaid labor, and have long experienced <strong>the</strong><br />
exploitation of capital. Middle-class women have been historically called on as<br />
a paid labor force during times of economic and national crisis such as during<br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Depression and World War II. The signifi cance of <strong>the</strong> post-World<br />
War II labor force is that married and predominately White women were still<br />
needed to meet <strong>the</strong> demands of <strong>the</strong> economic recovery.<br />
5. I thank Brynnar Swenson for pointing me to this distinction.<br />
6. “Subtle revolution” is a term appropriated from Ralph Smith’s (1979) book,<br />
The Subtle Revolution: Women at Work.<br />
7. For an account of why economics and gender exist in “different economies,”<br />
and why Marxism is structurally blind to <strong>the</strong> economy of gender relations,<br />
see Gail Rubin’s (1975) work, “The Traffi c in Women: Notes on <strong>the</strong> ‘Political<br />
Economy’ of Sex.”