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Disciplining <strong>the</strong> Ethnic <strong>Body</strong> 211<br />
organized under <strong>the</strong> category). Latinidad is something constructed<br />
from without and within. Thus, it becomes inescapably dynamic, celebratory<br />
and contested—and functions simultaneously as multiplicity, as<br />
singularity, and as organized similarity. As Juan Flores (2000) describes,<br />
nearly every Latina and Latino individual traces his or her identity to<br />
a particular country—that is, Latinidad is nearly-always a subjectivity<br />
that is only ever partially completed such that one is identifi ed always<br />
as a multiple: a Mexican American Latina or a Chilean Latina or a<br />
Puerto Rican/Dominican Latina. María Lugones (2003) argues that<br />
such multiplicities or impurities of identity become a point of resistance<br />
because it vexes governmentality through its unclassifi able nature.<br />
Governmentality depends not on blood and violence for its power, but<br />
on its ability to perpetuate and normalize classifi catory discourses that<br />
“qualify, measure, appraise and hierarchize” (Foucault, 1979, p. 266).<br />
Consequently, bodies that rupture hierarchical classifi cations expose<br />
disciplining binary logic and exploit essentialist divisions to problematize<br />
<strong>the</strong> norm.<br />
Never<strong>the</strong>less, despite <strong>the</strong> hybrid and multiple nature of Latina and<br />
Latino identity, as a U.S. collective we share a colonial past, <strong>the</strong> formation<br />
and construction of a syncretic ethnic culture, and a life connected<br />
to <strong>the</strong> homogenizing categories constructed and mobilized through<br />
mainstream culture (Aparicio, 2003). Moreover, Achy Obejas (2001)<br />
proposes that a growing proportion of Latinas and Latinos ethnically<br />
classify <strong>the</strong>mselves primarily and exclusively as Latinas and Latinos,<br />
an identity that is a potentially homogenous panethnic category and<br />
as a result more susceptible to data collection and government surveillance.<br />
For most government policing agencies and agents, such as law<br />
enforcement offi cials, no or little differentiation exists among Latinas<br />
and Latinos or within Latinidad—just <strong>the</strong> normalizing discourses of<br />
Latinas and Latinos as potentially illegal immigrants, diseased border<br />
crossers and, more recently, terrorist threats (Saldivar, 1997). The<br />
normalizing discourse places Latinas and Latinos on <strong>the</strong> social and<br />
moral margins making <strong>the</strong>m more vulnerable to government disciplining<br />
through surveillance activities such as racial profi ling. These<br />
two discursive strategies (Latina and Latino hybridity/multiplicity and<br />
Latina and Latino homogeneity/fragmentation) productively illustrate<br />
a long-standing Latina and Latino presence in <strong>the</strong> United States as<br />
well as <strong>the</strong> complicated infl ections, background, and affi liations that<br />
contribute to <strong>the</strong> formation of collective identities. As such, Latinidad<br />
epitomizes and emblematizes contemporary formations of bodies and<br />
selves as <strong>the</strong> product of real and imagined mobility, as global, hybrid,<br />
and multiple.