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the Female Body GOVERNING

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Disciplining <strong>the</strong> Ethnic <strong>Body</strong> 211<br />

organized under <strong>the</strong> category). Latinidad is something constructed<br />

from without and within. Thus, it becomes inescapably dynamic, celebratory<br />

and contested—and functions simultaneously as multiplicity, as<br />

singularity, and as organized similarity. As Juan Flores (2000) describes,<br />

nearly every Latina and Latino individual traces his or her identity to<br />

a particular country—that is, Latinidad is nearly-always a subjectivity<br />

that is only ever partially completed such that one is identifi ed always<br />

as a multiple: a Mexican American Latina or a Chilean Latina or a<br />

Puerto Rican/Dominican Latina. María Lugones (2003) argues that<br />

such multiplicities or impurities of identity become a point of resistance<br />

because it vexes governmentality through its unclassifi able nature.<br />

Governmentality depends not on blood and violence for its power, but<br />

on its ability to perpetuate and normalize classifi catory discourses that<br />

“qualify, measure, appraise and hierarchize” (Foucault, 1979, p. 266).<br />

Consequently, bodies that rupture hierarchical classifi cations expose<br />

disciplining binary logic and exploit essentialist divisions to problematize<br />

<strong>the</strong> norm.<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, despite <strong>the</strong> hybrid and multiple nature of Latina and<br />

Latino identity, as a U.S. collective we share a colonial past, <strong>the</strong> formation<br />

and construction of a syncretic ethnic culture, and a life connected<br />

to <strong>the</strong> homogenizing categories constructed and mobilized through<br />

mainstream culture (Aparicio, 2003). Moreover, Achy Obejas (2001)<br />

proposes that a growing proportion of Latinas and Latinos ethnically<br />

classify <strong>the</strong>mselves primarily and exclusively as Latinas and Latinos,<br />

an identity that is a potentially homogenous panethnic category and<br />

as a result more susceptible to data collection and government surveillance.<br />

For most government policing agencies and agents, such as law<br />

enforcement offi cials, no or little differentiation exists among Latinas<br />

and Latinos or within Latinidad—just <strong>the</strong> normalizing discourses of<br />

Latinas and Latinos as potentially illegal immigrants, diseased border<br />

crossers and, more recently, terrorist threats (Saldivar, 1997). The<br />

normalizing discourse places Latinas and Latinos on <strong>the</strong> social and<br />

moral margins making <strong>the</strong>m more vulnerable to government disciplining<br />

through surveillance activities such as racial profi ling. These<br />

two discursive strategies (Latina and Latino hybridity/multiplicity and<br />

Latina and Latino homogeneity/fragmentation) productively illustrate<br />

a long-standing Latina and Latino presence in <strong>the</strong> United States as<br />

well as <strong>the</strong> complicated infl ections, background, and affi liations that<br />

contribute to <strong>the</strong> formation of collective identities. As such, Latinidad<br />

epitomizes and emblematizes contemporary formations of bodies and<br />

selves as <strong>the</strong> product of real and imagined mobility, as global, hybrid,<br />

and multiple.

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