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The Feminization of Labor<br />
Productive Bodies 139<br />
Jessica Weiss (2000) explains that <strong>the</strong> decrease in <strong>the</strong> labor force<br />
preceding World War II is <strong>the</strong> condition that permitted older and<br />
married women to enter into wage labor. The low birthrates during<br />
<strong>the</strong> Great Depression resulted in a decreased labor supply in <strong>the</strong> 1950s.<br />
The labor force was fur<strong>the</strong>r affected as women began to marry earlier<br />
and left paid labor for unpaid labor. In response, employers, in need of<br />
workers, relaxed <strong>the</strong>ir policy of hiring single women only and began to<br />
employ married women. Employers were willing to make part-time work<br />
available, accommodating married women with school-aged children.<br />
As women entered <strong>the</strong> paid labor force and as <strong>the</strong> need for laborers<br />
increased after World War II, hiring requirements altered to include<br />
<strong>the</strong> female worker and capital accommodated <strong>the</strong> lifestyles of married<br />
women to benefit <strong>the</strong> ends of production.<br />
Capitalism accommodated life to meet <strong>the</strong> needs of production<br />
by subsuming human relations into its fold. In this sense, employers<br />
“cooperated” with <strong>the</strong> lives of married women in <strong>the</strong> form of part-time<br />
labor, allowing women to continue <strong>the</strong>ir social roles as mo<strong>the</strong>r and<br />
spouse. “In every moment of <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong> capitalist mode<br />
of production,” argues Negri (1992), “capital has always proposed <strong>the</strong><br />
form of cooperation” (p. 154). However to produce productive labor,<br />
Negri continues, “this form had to be functional with <strong>the</strong> form of<br />
exploitation” (p. 154). Hiring married women as part-time workers<br />
exploited <strong>the</strong>ir labor with substandard pay and an absence of benefits.<br />
Corporations cooperated with <strong>the</strong> existing social relations of women’s<br />
primary roles as mo<strong>the</strong>rs and wives by offering <strong>the</strong> flexibility of parttime<br />
labor to accommodate labor needs while maintaining traditional<br />
forms of exploitation. Capital does not only respond to collective social<br />
movements; but more important, capital is always responding to <strong>the</strong><br />
real social experiences of living labor.<br />
Jane Jenson, Elisabeth Hagen, and Ceallaigh Reddy (1988) explain<br />
that as <strong>the</strong> services sector increased in economic importance along with<br />
<strong>the</strong> availability of part-time work, more employment opportunities were<br />
available for women and many middle-class married women became<br />
active participants in wage labor (pp. 5–6). Women’s participation in<br />
<strong>the</strong> labor force and <strong>the</strong>ir relation to work was different from that of <strong>the</strong><br />
traditional male worker. Women entered into and out of <strong>the</strong> paid labor<br />
force throughout <strong>the</strong>ir life cycle because most middle-class women quit<br />
work when <strong>the</strong>y wed and reentered <strong>the</strong> workforce when <strong>the</strong>ir children<br />
were school-age or when <strong>the</strong> family desired additional income to purchase