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the Female Body GOVERNING

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74<br />

lori reed<br />

Hacker: Not . . . not really because he was on it, you know, all <strong>the</strong><br />

time, too. . . . And, I didn’t, you know, say he was addicted.<br />

Povich: So in a way, you’re in denial?<br />

Hacker: I wouldn’t say that.<br />

When Hacker refuses to subject herself to <strong>the</strong> position of “addict,”<br />

Povich continues to impose <strong>the</strong> addiction discourse onto translations of<br />

Hacker’s computer use. When she fur<strong>the</strong>r rejects this interpretation, he<br />

delves deeper into <strong>the</strong> discourse to delegitimize her resistance, “So in a<br />

way, you’re in denial?” At this point, within <strong>the</strong> discourse on addiction,<br />

her fur<strong>the</strong>r rejection of <strong>the</strong> designation becomes fur<strong>the</strong>r evidence of<br />

her “addiction” and need for authoritative intervention.<br />

As <strong>the</strong> discussion continues, a frustrated Povich, who becomes<br />

impatient with Hacker’s refusal to speak her “addiction,” turns to <strong>the</strong><br />

teleprompter to preview <strong>the</strong> next segments of <strong>the</strong> show. Hacker’s story<br />

is only briefly addressed again when Povich asks psychological expert,<br />

Dr. Greenfield, for a diagnosis of Hacker’s condition. But Greenfield<br />

abstains from coming to <strong>the</strong> conclusion that Hacker is clinically<br />

addicted, “I don’t know whe<strong>the</strong>r she’s addicted. And based on her<br />

story today, I would say it’s inconclusive, but certainly, based on <strong>the</strong><br />

media’s coverage, I would say she is.” Later, however, Greenfield offers<br />

that <strong>the</strong> Internet is “a very powerful, powerful medium. And everybody<br />

that gets online reports this phenomenon of being overwhelmed by it<br />

and taken over by it.” In this instance, through Povich’s prodding, <strong>the</strong><br />

audience’s reactions, <strong>the</strong> expert diagnoses, Hacker is not encouraged<br />

to be <strong>the</strong> subject of her own perceptions. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, following Sedgwick’s<br />

(1992) analysis of <strong>the</strong> politics of addiction and confession culture, it<br />

can be said that Hacker “is installed as <strong>the</strong> proper object of compulsory<br />

institutional disciplines, legal and medical, which, without actually<br />

being able to do anything to ‘help’ her, none<strong>the</strong>less presume to know<br />

her better than she can know herself” (p. 582). The addiction discourse<br />

offers Hacker a vehicle for self-knowledge and self-transformation, a<br />

“symbolic and normative vocabulary for identifying and transcending<br />

individual ‘failing’” (Nadeson, 1997, p. 208). Hacker refuses to be<br />

spoken of in this way. Yet, her willful rejection of <strong>the</strong> “addict” designation,<br />

her option to be nonaddicted becomes suspect and is mobilized<br />

as fur<strong>the</strong>r “proof” of her pathology. As Nadeson describes <strong>the</strong> process<br />

of subjectification, “<strong>the</strong> individual’s capacity for maintaining and<br />

achieving ‘health’ is viewed as being structured around his or her use<br />

of <strong>the</strong> discourse and techniques of psychology for self-knowledge and<br />

self-transformation.” Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, <strong>the</strong> discursive equation between<br />

disease and psychological ‘pathology’ introduces a moral compulsion

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