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the Female Body GOVERNING

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60<br />

lori reed<br />

If <strong>the</strong> popular and psychological discourses surrounding Internet<br />

addiction are approached through <strong>the</strong> lens of feminist and cultural<br />

studies of science and technology, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> cultural formation of<br />

computer technologies and defi nitions of “health” and “illness” must be<br />

viewed as historically situated and as implicated in cultural, economic,<br />

and political relationships. Foucault (1972, 1978, 1991) provides a useful<br />

framework for analysis: He is interested in <strong>the</strong> historical production<br />

of truth, and he works to understand <strong>the</strong> processes by which certain<br />

concepts become accepted as true and <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>the</strong>se truths have on<br />

people’s lives. Foucault assumes that knowledge practices cannot exist<br />

outside of power and politics, and he works to describe knowledge<br />

practices that organize human behaviors into <strong>the</strong> “appropriate” and<br />

“inappropriate,” “normal” and “abnormal.” Related feminist analyses<br />

regarding <strong>the</strong> “sexual politics of sickness” such as defi nitions and diagnoses<br />

of “hysteria” or brain disease (cf. Ehrenreich & English, 1979;<br />

Gilman, 1899/1973) or addiction (Cole, 1998; Rapping, 1996; Schor &<br />

Weed, 1993; Sedgwick, 1992) have also been examined as social products<br />

of particular and historically situated gendered perspectives and<br />

ideals. From <strong>the</strong>se perspectives, denaturalizing such seemingly natural<br />

and bounded truths is necessary by foregrounding <strong>the</strong> procedures,<br />

assumptions, and institutional arrangements that produce such objects<br />

of knowledge.<br />

Thus, in <strong>the</strong> case of Internet addiction, it is important to look at <strong>the</strong><br />

knowledge practices surrounding <strong>the</strong> condition as being implicated in<br />

how people negotiate <strong>the</strong> “conduct of conduct”—how people regulate<br />

and govern o<strong>the</strong>rs (and regulate and govern <strong>the</strong>mselves) through <strong>the</strong><br />

production of truth (Rose, 1998, p. 11). Umiker-Sebeok (2001), for<br />

example, draws on this framework to explore Internet addiction as<br />

a disciplinary technology. She draws on psychological and popular<br />

discourses surrounding Internet addiction, as well as <strong>the</strong> voices of<br />

Internet addicts, to investigate critically how Internet addiction functions<br />

to produce and regulate particular behaviors and selves (see also Reed,<br />

2002). Toward similar ends, this chapter seeks to describe some of <strong>the</strong><br />

signifi cant ways in which Internet addiction functions as an apparatus<br />

of governance by mapping <strong>the</strong> “correlation between fi elds of knowledge,<br />

types of normativity, and forms of subjectivity” in a particular context<br />

(Foucault quoted in Rose, 1998, p. 11). It pays particular attention<br />

to <strong>the</strong> ways in which Internet addiction functions as a “technology<br />

of gender” (Balsamo, 1996; de Lauretis, 1987), as an apparatus that<br />

functions contextually toward <strong>the</strong> production, defi nition, negotiation,<br />

and management of people’s developing relations with this new media<br />

technology even while it produces and manages—or governs—related

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