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60<br />
lori reed<br />
If <strong>the</strong> popular and psychological discourses surrounding Internet<br />
addiction are approached through <strong>the</strong> lens of feminist and cultural<br />
studies of science and technology, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> cultural formation of<br />
computer technologies and defi nitions of “health” and “illness” must be<br />
viewed as historically situated and as implicated in cultural, economic,<br />
and political relationships. Foucault (1972, 1978, 1991) provides a useful<br />
framework for analysis: He is interested in <strong>the</strong> historical production<br />
of truth, and he works to understand <strong>the</strong> processes by which certain<br />
concepts become accepted as true and <strong>the</strong> effects <strong>the</strong>se truths have on<br />
people’s lives. Foucault assumes that knowledge practices cannot exist<br />
outside of power and politics, and he works to describe knowledge<br />
practices that organize human behaviors into <strong>the</strong> “appropriate” and<br />
“inappropriate,” “normal” and “abnormal.” Related feminist analyses<br />
regarding <strong>the</strong> “sexual politics of sickness” such as defi nitions and diagnoses<br />
of “hysteria” or brain disease (cf. Ehrenreich & English, 1979;<br />
Gilman, 1899/1973) or addiction (Cole, 1998; Rapping, 1996; Schor &<br />
Weed, 1993; Sedgwick, 1992) have also been examined as social products<br />
of particular and historically situated gendered perspectives and<br />
ideals. From <strong>the</strong>se perspectives, denaturalizing such seemingly natural<br />
and bounded truths is necessary by foregrounding <strong>the</strong> procedures,<br />
assumptions, and institutional arrangements that produce such objects<br />
of knowledge.<br />
Thus, in <strong>the</strong> case of Internet addiction, it is important to look at <strong>the</strong><br />
knowledge practices surrounding <strong>the</strong> condition as being implicated in<br />
how people negotiate <strong>the</strong> “conduct of conduct”—how people regulate<br />
and govern o<strong>the</strong>rs (and regulate and govern <strong>the</strong>mselves) through <strong>the</strong><br />
production of truth (Rose, 1998, p. 11). Umiker-Sebeok (2001), for<br />
example, draws on this framework to explore Internet addiction as<br />
a disciplinary technology. She draws on psychological and popular<br />
discourses surrounding Internet addiction, as well as <strong>the</strong> voices of<br />
Internet addicts, to investigate critically how Internet addiction functions<br />
to produce and regulate particular behaviors and selves (see also Reed,<br />
2002). Toward similar ends, this chapter seeks to describe some of <strong>the</strong><br />
signifi cant ways in which Internet addiction functions as an apparatus<br />
of governance by mapping <strong>the</strong> “correlation between fi elds of knowledge,<br />
types of normativity, and forms of subjectivity” in a particular context<br />
(Foucault quoted in Rose, 1998, p. 11). It pays particular attention<br />
to <strong>the</strong> ways in which Internet addiction functions as a “technology<br />
of gender” (Balsamo, 1996; de Lauretis, 1987), as an apparatus that<br />
functions contextually toward <strong>the</strong> production, defi nition, negotiation,<br />
and management of people’s developing relations with this new media<br />
technology even while it produces and manages—or governs—related