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the Female Body GOVERNING

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192<br />

ronald walter greene & david breshears<br />

to intervention and change. The professions, in turn, depend on <strong>the</strong><br />

desire to invent, explain, and solve social problems, a demand that not<br />

only supplies privileged forms of expertise with grant dollars but guides<br />

<strong>the</strong> formation of disciplinary and professional problematics. What takes<br />

place in this reciprocal relation between expertise and governance is<br />

<strong>the</strong> composition of “associations formed between entities constituted<br />

as ‘political’ and <strong>the</strong> projects, plans and practices of those authorities—economic,<br />

legal, spiritual, medical, technical—who endeavor to<br />

administer <strong>the</strong> lives of o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong> light of conceptions of what is good,<br />

healthy, normal, virtuous, effi cient or profi table” (Rose & Miller, 1992,<br />

p. 175). The success or failure of professional expertise to garner status<br />

as a legitimate knowledge, that is, knowledge capable of speaking truth,<br />

increasingly requires <strong>the</strong> ability of experts to enter into alliances closely<br />

associated with activities and agencies of political governance.<br />

Communication scholarship oriented toward investigating <strong>the</strong> effectiveness<br />

of mass mediated public health campaigns partakes in a growing<br />

network of organizations (some closer than o<strong>the</strong>rs to <strong>the</strong> state) that are<br />

becoming increasingly reliant on communicative processes as a fi eld and<br />

method for regulating behavior. In <strong>the</strong> case of entertainment-education,<br />

a trend is increasingly visible about what kinds of communicative<br />

research and expertise will be given priority. As McKinley and Jensen<br />

(2003) note, <strong>the</strong> impact studies supporting <strong>the</strong> ability of entertainmenteducation<br />

to change social behavior often reveal negligible “descriptions<br />

of media environments,” and “very little attention has been devoted<br />

to <strong>the</strong> ethnographic context of <strong>the</strong> audiences” (p. 185). The growing<br />

interactive dependence of public health/development campaigns<br />

on <strong>the</strong> success or failure of communication reveals <strong>the</strong> need for <strong>the</strong><br />

description, assessment, and evaluation of <strong>the</strong>se programs to “change<br />

reality.” McKinley and Jensen (2003) describe <strong>the</strong> media effects research<br />

underwriting entertainment-education as exhibiting <strong>the</strong> “tenacity of <strong>the</strong><br />

modernization paradigm lurking beneath <strong>the</strong> surface of research that<br />

aims to measure specifi c effects as a result of exogamous, strategically<br />

launched development communication interventions” (pp. 185–186).<br />

Hence, seeing communication scholars such as Everett Rogers (1973),<br />

who were once associated with communicating family planning strategies<br />

in <strong>the</strong> 1970s, today evaluating PCI’s health communication campaigns<br />

in <strong>the</strong> 1990s (Vaughn & Rogers, 2000), is not surprising. Some forms of<br />

communicative expertise are given priority and opportunity due to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

ability to translate events, people, and motivations into information that<br />

is “stable, mobile, comparable and combinable” (Rose & Miller, 1992,<br />

p. 185). In <strong>the</strong> fi eld of entertainment-education, forms of communicative<br />

expertise are increasingly necessary to justify <strong>the</strong> continued funding of

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