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192<br />
ronald walter greene & david breshears<br />
to intervention and change. The professions, in turn, depend on <strong>the</strong><br />
desire to invent, explain, and solve social problems, a demand that not<br />
only supplies privileged forms of expertise with grant dollars but guides<br />
<strong>the</strong> formation of disciplinary and professional problematics. What takes<br />
place in this reciprocal relation between expertise and governance is<br />
<strong>the</strong> composition of “associations formed between entities constituted<br />
as ‘political’ and <strong>the</strong> projects, plans and practices of those authorities—economic,<br />
legal, spiritual, medical, technical—who endeavor to<br />
administer <strong>the</strong> lives of o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong> light of conceptions of what is good,<br />
healthy, normal, virtuous, effi cient or profi table” (Rose & Miller, 1992,<br />
p. 175). The success or failure of professional expertise to garner status<br />
as a legitimate knowledge, that is, knowledge capable of speaking truth,<br />
increasingly requires <strong>the</strong> ability of experts to enter into alliances closely<br />
associated with activities and agencies of political governance.<br />
Communication scholarship oriented toward investigating <strong>the</strong> effectiveness<br />
of mass mediated public health campaigns partakes in a growing<br />
network of organizations (some closer than o<strong>the</strong>rs to <strong>the</strong> state) that are<br />
becoming increasingly reliant on communicative processes as a fi eld and<br />
method for regulating behavior. In <strong>the</strong> case of entertainment-education,<br />
a trend is increasingly visible about what kinds of communicative<br />
research and expertise will be given priority. As McKinley and Jensen<br />
(2003) note, <strong>the</strong> impact studies supporting <strong>the</strong> ability of entertainmenteducation<br />
to change social behavior often reveal negligible “descriptions<br />
of media environments,” and “very little attention has been devoted<br />
to <strong>the</strong> ethnographic context of <strong>the</strong> audiences” (p. 185). The growing<br />
interactive dependence of public health/development campaigns<br />
on <strong>the</strong> success or failure of communication reveals <strong>the</strong> need for <strong>the</strong><br />
description, assessment, and evaluation of <strong>the</strong>se programs to “change<br />
reality.” McKinley and Jensen (2003) describe <strong>the</strong> media effects research<br />
underwriting entertainment-education as exhibiting <strong>the</strong> “tenacity of <strong>the</strong><br />
modernization paradigm lurking beneath <strong>the</strong> surface of research that<br />
aims to measure specifi c effects as a result of exogamous, strategically<br />
launched development communication interventions” (pp. 185–186).<br />
Hence, seeing communication scholars such as Everett Rogers (1973),<br />
who were once associated with communicating family planning strategies<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 1970s, today evaluating PCI’s health communication campaigns<br />
in <strong>the</strong> 1990s (Vaughn & Rogers, 2000), is not surprising. Some forms of<br />
communicative expertise are given priority and opportunity due to <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
ability to translate events, people, and motivations into information that<br />
is “stable, mobile, comparable and combinable” (Rose & Miller, 1992,<br />
p. 185). In <strong>the</strong> fi eld of entertainment-education, forms of communicative<br />
expertise are increasingly necessary to justify <strong>the</strong> continued funding of