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Regulation through Postfeminist Pharmacy 127<br />

and anything suggesting <strong>the</strong> female grotesque (in this case, symptoms<br />

that accompany <strong>the</strong> menstrual cycle as well as menstruation itself).<br />

Worth mentioning, however, is that Sarafem and Seasonale represent<br />

<strong>the</strong> potential fi nancial gain of <strong>the</strong>ir manufacturers and, in <strong>the</strong> case<br />

of Seasonale, <strong>the</strong>ir discoverers, too. Sarafem not only represents an<br />

appropriation of postfeminism by a pharmaceutical company, but also<br />

ano<strong>the</strong>r trend as well. That is, like several o<strong>the</strong>r successful drugs whose<br />

patents were running out, Sarafem is a renamed and repackaged version<br />

of a soon-to-be-generic drug—Eli Lilly’s wildly successful antidepressant<br />

Prozac. And although <strong>the</strong> disease it was targeted to cure—PMDD—can<br />

be found in <strong>the</strong> DSM-IV, medical experts are far from unanimous<br />

about whe<strong>the</strong>r it can be considered a legitimate disease or should ever<br />

have been included in any edition of <strong>the</strong> DSM at all (Figert, 1996).<br />

Seasonale, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, is just one of several possible repackaged<br />

birth control hormones—pills, implants (Norplant), and injectables<br />

(Depo-Provera). The latter, Norplant and Depo-Provera, were developed<br />

by Sheldon Segal and Elsimar Coutinho, respectively, <strong>the</strong> two doctors<br />

whose work has been most publicly associated with <strong>the</strong> argument that<br />

menstruation suppression is a good thing (Warren, 2002). If Sarafem<br />

or <strong>the</strong> cessation of menstruation (<strong>the</strong> latter would obviously negate a<br />

need for <strong>the</strong> former) were to become an acceptable means of dealing<br />

with <strong>the</strong> inconveniences of menstruation, <strong>the</strong>n Eli Lilly, Coutinho, and<br />

Segal stand to make a great deal of money.<br />

The last remedy we examine, Remifemin, arguably poses no threat<br />

of overdosing on syn<strong>the</strong>tic hormones: Its active ingredient is black<br />

cohosh root, an herb that has been used to treat menopause (and<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r problems) since <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century (NIH, 2003, p. 2). 10 And<br />

although <strong>the</strong> National Institute of Health’s offi ce of dietary supplements<br />

does not endorse its use (on <strong>the</strong> basis of too few studies documenting<br />

its effi cacy or long-term effects), its Web site provides a fairly detailed<br />

explanation of what is known about black cohosh. 11<br />

Remifemin treats symptoms, and, unlike hormone replacement<br />

<strong>the</strong>rapy (HRT), does not go fur<strong>the</strong>r to eliminate osteoporosis or cardiovascular<br />

disease, for example. But, like HRT, Remifemin is marketed<br />

in such a way as to become one more treatment in what Bunton (1997)<br />

calls “health-related consumer culture.” Bunton elaborates on such a<br />

culture by adding that it is based on a “more general privileging of<br />

bodily appearance, youthfulness, vitality, health and beauty and <strong>the</strong><br />

‘aes<strong>the</strong>ticization’ of everyday life associated with consumer culture”<br />

(p. 232). The Remifemin television ad described in <strong>the</strong> introduction<br />

to this chapter features physically fi t women who, through <strong>the</strong>ir gym<br />

workouts, appear to be aiming at least to sustain <strong>the</strong>ir fi tness, if not to

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