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Biopolitical Media 191<br />
Anti-Drug Media Campaign, while <strong>the</strong> American Legacy Foundation<br />
spent a similar amount to discourage smoking (Hornick, 2002, p. xii).<br />
In this context, <strong>the</strong> fi nancing of PCI’s media production requires that<br />
numerous international, state, and private donor organizations continue<br />
to believe that mass communication is a successful means by which to<br />
change behavior.<br />
Established in 1985, PCI is a U.S.-based nongovernmental organization<br />
(NGO) 2 dedicated to <strong>the</strong> promotion of family planning practices, gender<br />
equality, environmental protection, and AIDS prevention. With total<br />
annual revenues averaging $3,894,809 over <strong>the</strong> 3-year period between<br />
1997 and 1999, comprised entirely of public grants and private contributions,<br />
PCI qualifi es as a tax-exempt charity under section 501(c)(3) of<br />
<strong>the</strong> IRS Code, and is eligible to receive tax-deductible contributions<br />
(Charities Review Council of Minnesota, 2002). PCI’s total annual<br />
expenses during this time averaged $3,417,241. Of this amount, 76% of<br />
expenses were allocated directly to PCI’s programs, 16% to management<br />
and general expenses, and 8% to fund-raising. Also during this 3-year<br />
period, individual contributions accounted for 23.8% of PCI’s annual<br />
revenue, with <strong>the</strong> remaining 76.2% from foundations or organizations<br />
(Charities Review Council of Minnesota, 2002). PCI’s funding sources for<br />
fi scal year 2000 included a $1.8 million grant from <strong>the</strong> William H. Gates<br />
Foundation and a grant from <strong>the</strong> United Nations Educational, Scientifi c<br />
and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) International Program for<br />
<strong>the</strong> Development of Communication (IPDC). PCI works in partnership<br />
with “government ministries, NGOs, individual radio and television<br />
stations, and an assortment of private-sector agencies” in 22 countries<br />
across 5 continents. A central element in PCI’s media campaigns is <strong>the</strong><br />
production of “carefully researched and culturally sensitive radio and<br />
television soap operas . . . [designed to] motivate individuals to adopt<br />
new attitudes and behaviors . . .” (UNESCO, p. 3). Over <strong>the</strong> past 20 years<br />
PCI has become a well-known institutional actor in a global culture<br />
industry associated with <strong>the</strong> design of mass media health campaigns,<br />
and as such increasingly relies on experts in media effects research.<br />
Modern forms of government generate a close relation between<br />
<strong>the</strong> production and dissemination of expertise and strategies of rule.<br />
Expertise requires <strong>the</strong> socialization of individuals into <strong>the</strong> standards of<br />
judgment comporting to an ethical and disciplinary code leading to its<br />
professionalization (Johnson, 1993). The relation between professional<br />
expertise and government is reciprocal. The ability to launch a new<br />
health communication campaign requires <strong>the</strong> languages of human<br />
and biomedical sciences to calculate, classify, and categorize reality so<br />
that this same reality can be known in a form that makes it amenable