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the Female Body GOVERNING

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20<br />

lisa blackman<br />

which <strong>the</strong>y are subjects, through <strong>the</strong> alignment of <strong>the</strong>ir own ability and<br />

capacities to transform <strong>the</strong>mselves with <strong>the</strong>ir possible achievement of<br />

success, happiness, health, and so forth. The desire to empower oneself,<br />

some argue, becomes a key process through which <strong>the</strong> democratic<br />

citizen is produced, maintained, and encouraged. One key question<br />

emerging from <strong>the</strong> range of studies investigating this link is one that<br />

seeks to understand why individuals comply with certain technologies<br />

without seeing <strong>the</strong>m as cultural dupes. This framing has a long history<br />

and has been central to specific understandings of mass psychology,<br />

which have framed particular ways of understanding <strong>the</strong> so-called<br />

masses through a specific trope of social influence (cf. Blackman &<br />

Walkerdine, 2001).<br />

This chapter seeks to contribute to <strong>the</strong>se debates by considering magazine<br />

culture as one key contemporary site where self-help practices have<br />

multiplied, framing problems of everyday life through what Ferguson<br />

(1983) has termed <strong>the</strong> “responsibility ethic” (p. 189). This ethic is one<br />

that presupposes that <strong>the</strong> resolution to problems, for women, is to be<br />

found through <strong>the</strong>ir own hard work, effort, and labor. These resolutions<br />

are such that “self-help” is <strong>the</strong> axiomatic set of practices proffered as<br />

<strong>the</strong> way out of misery, suffering, bad luck, and psychological and bodily<br />

troubles. The link between self-help and women’s magazine culture (and<br />

popular culture more generally) has raised questions about <strong>the</strong> relation<br />

between <strong>the</strong> psychology of women and <strong>the</strong> cultural purchase and potency<br />

of particular practices. 1 However, cultural analysts’ understandings of<br />

<strong>the</strong> production of female subjectivities have often been hindered by<br />

essentialism, even when <strong>the</strong>se reductive approaches have been most<br />

vehemently opposed. Implied psychologies are often brought in through<br />

<strong>the</strong> back door within accounts, which fail to engage adequately with<br />

how women cope with <strong>the</strong> competing ways in which <strong>the</strong>y are addressed<br />

across <strong>the</strong> various practices, which “make up” <strong>the</strong>ir lives (Beetham, 1996;<br />

Walkerdine, Lucey, & Melody, 2001). The question of how to understand<br />

<strong>the</strong> production of psychology and <strong>the</strong> relation of <strong>the</strong> psychological to<br />

consumer culture is a key focus of this chapter.<br />

Inventing <strong>the</strong> Psychological<br />

The question of how to approach <strong>the</strong> psychological in light of <strong>the</strong> mantra<br />

of antiessentialism is one that has engaged many sociologists (Beck &<br />

Beck-Gernsheim, 2001; Rose, 1996). These arguments focus on <strong>the</strong><br />

production of particular kinds of psychology through <strong>the</strong> ways in which<br />

institutional practices and <strong>the</strong> discourses that help to support <strong>the</strong>m<br />

create particular kinds of self-practice and understanding.

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