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the Female Body GOVERNING

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90<br />

samantha king<br />

Thus, from former President Ronald Reagan’s 1981 Task Force on<br />

Private Sector Initiatives, established to develop, support, and promote<br />

private sector leadership in community development and social service,<br />

to former President George H. W. Bush’s Points of Light initiative, to<br />

Bill Clinton’s 1997 Summit on America’s Future held to solicit individual<br />

and corporate generosity as a “complement” to welfare reform<br />

legislation, to former President George W. Bush’s faith-based initiatives,<br />

four successive federal administrations have sought to establish <strong>the</strong><br />

organizational and subjective conditions through which to reshape<br />

relations between <strong>the</strong> state and <strong>the</strong> individual. They have done this not<br />

simply by rolling back <strong>the</strong> public welfare system with <strong>the</strong> hope that <strong>the</strong><br />

charitable impulses of citizens and corporations will fl ourish, but by<br />

helping to create techniques, strategies, and programs—frequently in<br />

partnership with nonprofi t or business entities—aimed at producing<br />

volunteer and philanthropist citizens.<br />

Despite <strong>the</strong> association between volunteerism and freedom in U.S.<br />

culture and <strong>the</strong> pervasive view that <strong>the</strong> social state has stifled <strong>the</strong> innate<br />

generosity of <strong>the</strong> American people, <strong>the</strong> turn toward volunteerism and<br />

philanthropy does not mark a radical turn away ei<strong>the</strong>r from government<br />

or from <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> state in governing as <strong>the</strong> rhetoric of those who<br />

celebrate <strong>the</strong> “end of big government” suggests. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, it marks a<br />

shift toward a different form of governing and <strong>the</strong> emergence of an<br />

alternatively constituted state. In this context, this chapter highlights<br />

how government, or <strong>the</strong> “conduct of conduct” to use Foucault’s formulation,<br />

is dispersed throughout <strong>the</strong> social body, ra<strong>the</strong>r than resting solely<br />

or even primarily with <strong>the</strong> state. This is not to trivialize <strong>the</strong> role of<br />

<strong>the</strong> state in governing, particularly in a conjuncture that has seen<br />

an “intensification, acceleration, and integration of governing strategies<br />

under a state of emergency, or permanent war” (Bratich, Packer,<br />

& McCarthy, 2003, p. 17), but ra<strong>the</strong>r to show how functions that we<br />

might traditionally associate with <strong>the</strong> state, or connections between<br />

<strong>the</strong> governor and <strong>the</strong> governed, occur at innumerable decentered,<br />

dispersed, and often private or commercial sites within <strong>the</strong> social<br />

body. The turn to volunteerism and philanthropy can thus be read<br />

as an effect of <strong>the</strong> desire to “govern at a distance” that <strong>the</strong>orists such<br />

as Nikolas Rose (1996) have identified as a central characteristic of<br />

neoliberal thought. Institutions, programs, and techniques designed<br />

to encourage volunteerism and philanthropy, for example, are mechanisms<br />

of governance that have varying degrees of autonomization from<br />

<strong>the</strong> state. None<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>se networks and techniques are frequently<br />

established through alliances with <strong>the</strong> state, and, even when operating<br />

in deeply privatized settings (a National Football League advertising

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