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90<br />
samantha king<br />
Thus, from former President Ronald Reagan’s 1981 Task Force on<br />
Private Sector Initiatives, established to develop, support, and promote<br />
private sector leadership in community development and social service,<br />
to former President George H. W. Bush’s Points of Light initiative, to<br />
Bill Clinton’s 1997 Summit on America’s Future held to solicit individual<br />
and corporate generosity as a “complement” to welfare reform<br />
legislation, to former President George W. Bush’s faith-based initiatives,<br />
four successive federal administrations have sought to establish <strong>the</strong><br />
organizational and subjective conditions through which to reshape<br />
relations between <strong>the</strong> state and <strong>the</strong> individual. They have done this not<br />
simply by rolling back <strong>the</strong> public welfare system with <strong>the</strong> hope that <strong>the</strong><br />
charitable impulses of citizens and corporations will fl ourish, but by<br />
helping to create techniques, strategies, and programs—frequently in<br />
partnership with nonprofi t or business entities—aimed at producing<br />
volunteer and philanthropist citizens.<br />
Despite <strong>the</strong> association between volunteerism and freedom in U.S.<br />
culture and <strong>the</strong> pervasive view that <strong>the</strong> social state has stifled <strong>the</strong> innate<br />
generosity of <strong>the</strong> American people, <strong>the</strong> turn toward volunteerism and<br />
philanthropy does not mark a radical turn away ei<strong>the</strong>r from government<br />
or from <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> state in governing as <strong>the</strong> rhetoric of those who<br />
celebrate <strong>the</strong> “end of big government” suggests. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, it marks a<br />
shift toward a different form of governing and <strong>the</strong> emergence of an<br />
alternatively constituted state. In this context, this chapter highlights<br />
how government, or <strong>the</strong> “conduct of conduct” to use Foucault’s formulation,<br />
is dispersed throughout <strong>the</strong> social body, ra<strong>the</strong>r than resting solely<br />
or even primarily with <strong>the</strong> state. This is not to trivialize <strong>the</strong> role of<br />
<strong>the</strong> state in governing, particularly in a conjuncture that has seen<br />
an “intensification, acceleration, and integration of governing strategies<br />
under a state of emergency, or permanent war” (Bratich, Packer,<br />
& McCarthy, 2003, p. 17), but ra<strong>the</strong>r to show how functions that we<br />
might traditionally associate with <strong>the</strong> state, or connections between<br />
<strong>the</strong> governor and <strong>the</strong> governed, occur at innumerable decentered,<br />
dispersed, and often private or commercial sites within <strong>the</strong> social<br />
body. The turn to volunteerism and philanthropy can thus be read<br />
as an effect of <strong>the</strong> desire to “govern at a distance” that <strong>the</strong>orists such<br />
as Nikolas Rose (1996) have identified as a central characteristic of<br />
neoliberal thought. Institutions, programs, and techniques designed<br />
to encourage volunteerism and philanthropy, for example, are mechanisms<br />
of governance that have varying degrees of autonomization from<br />
<strong>the</strong> state. None<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong>se networks and techniques are frequently<br />
established through alliances with <strong>the</strong> state, and, even when operating<br />
in deeply privatized settings (a National Football League advertising