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the Female Body GOVERNING

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The Pill in Puerto Rico and <strong>the</strong> Mainland United States 161<br />

prescribed in nonexperimental settings as an “off label” use of a drug<br />

that was approved by <strong>the</strong> FDA only for “menstrual irregularities.” This<br />

story got lost in <strong>the</strong> 1960s as researchers hastened to defend <strong>the</strong>mselves<br />

against <strong>the</strong> charge that <strong>the</strong>y had illegitimately used Puerto Rico as a<br />

laboratory of dispensable bodies for <strong>the</strong> benefi t of First World women.<br />

Yet an exploration of <strong>the</strong> moment of <strong>the</strong> development of <strong>the</strong> Pill, <strong>the</strong> ways<br />

physicians and researchers described its benefi ts when it came under<br />

attack, and <strong>the</strong> history of birth control in Puerto Rico shows that <strong>the</strong><br />

testing was done <strong>the</strong>re because Third World women were <strong>the</strong> population<br />

for whom <strong>the</strong> Pill was intended. As we think <strong>the</strong>se days about <strong>the</strong> ethics<br />

of AIDS drug testing by U.S. fi rms overseas, it bears remembering that<br />

<strong>the</strong> effects of <strong>the</strong> globalization of drug testing and medical research<br />

are never simply contained “over <strong>the</strong>re,” but infl uence <strong>the</strong> treatment of<br />

working-class people in <strong>the</strong> United States, and sometimes even middleclass<br />

and affl uent people.<br />

My intent is certainly not to suggest that “over <strong>the</strong>re” one has questions<br />

of race, colonialism, development, and poverty, while in places such as<br />

<strong>the</strong> United States, one encounters “women” and issues of gender and<br />

feminism. At <strong>the</strong> same time, to reiterate an argument of two decades of<br />

feminist scholarship on race, it is important to note how “women” are<br />

differentially imbricated in webs of meaning about race and nation.<br />

For example, one of <strong>the</strong> architects of <strong>the</strong> Pill research in Puerto Rico,<br />

Clarence Gamble, promoted very different policies and practices for<br />

women based on race, class, and region. He vigorously promoted<br />

“simple” methods for “simple” people, backing contraceptive foam in<br />

Puerto Rico ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> diaphragm because, he believed, it was<br />

easier to use (Williams & Williams, 1978, p. 4). At <strong>the</strong> same time, he<br />

was writing articles for medical journals on <strong>the</strong> problem of <strong>the</strong> “college<br />

birthrate”—that college-educated men and women were having too<br />

few children (1947). He wrote of a project to promote birth control in<br />

Puerto Rico that it was:<br />

designed to discover whe<strong>the</strong>r our present means of birth control,<br />

intensively applied, can control <strong>the</strong> dangerously expanding population<br />

of an unambitious and unintelligent group . . . it has been said<br />

that birth control has been injurious to <strong>the</strong> race since it has been<br />

used by <strong>the</strong> intelligent and foresighted. It seems to me that only by<br />

some . . . demonstration can this accusation be refuted and our nation<br />

protected from an undue expansion of <strong>the</strong> unintelligent groups.<br />

(C. Gamble to Youngs Rubber Corporation, personal communication,<br />

March 24, 1947)

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