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“Doing What Comes Naturally . . .” 241<br />
woman, although she does have female counterparts in o<strong>the</strong>r contexts;<br />
<strong>the</strong> “scalpel slave” or “surgery junkie” of cosmetic surgery is ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />
rhetorical incarnation of <strong>the</strong> same irrational excess (Davis, 1995), as<br />
is <strong>the</strong> kleptomaniac “lady” shopper (Ableson, 2000), <strong>the</strong> shopaholic,<br />
or <strong>the</strong> “obsessive” dieter. These are all sites that are constructed as<br />
constituting normative femininity—beauty practices, shopping, weight<br />
control—but that require a comparable balancing act of doing enough,<br />
but not too much. Writing of <strong>the</strong> feminized domain of shopping, Rachel<br />
Bowlby (2000) argues that periodic madness in relation to consumption—for<br />
example, in <strong>the</strong> sales—is constructed as a facet of normal<br />
femininity, in contrast with <strong>the</strong> stability of male sanity and reason<br />
(p. 124). This parallels <strong>the</strong> understanding of <strong>the</strong> female hormonally<br />
regulated body as cyclically (dis)ordered, in comparison with male<br />
hormonal stability (Oudshoorn, 1994, p. 146). This contrast between<br />
<strong>the</strong> disordered normality of femininity and <strong>the</strong> rational normality of<br />
masculinity was duplicated explicitly in <strong>the</strong> accounts via a discourse<br />
of <strong>the</strong> hormonal reproductive drive:<br />
Martin: I think it’s been a bit of a burning desire for Nancy to have<br />
a child. But if I’m honest with myself, I’m very much . . . I was very<br />
much, if it happens, it happens. If it doesn’t, it doesn’t.<br />
Brian: Why go with all that stress? Be happy with what you’ve got,<br />
which was always what I said. Obviously, you have to, erm, put that<br />
against <strong>the</strong> maternal instincts, and so on. . . .<br />
Women are conventionally understood as hormonally driven<br />
(Oudshoorn, 1994), both toward reproduction and toward erratic and<br />
irrational behavior; in both of <strong>the</strong>se examples, <strong>the</strong> male partners are<br />
witnesses to <strong>the</strong> natural drives, not subject to <strong>the</strong>m. The hormonal<br />
discourse provides a strongly normalizing justifi cation for <strong>the</strong> use of<br />
technology for reproduction because it retains <strong>the</strong> dominance of <strong>the</strong><br />
natural in <strong>the</strong> reproductive endeavor with technology simply serving<br />
as a “helping hand.” In Lisa’s case, her doctor also confi rmed <strong>the</strong><br />
irrepressibility of <strong>the</strong> maternal drive:<br />
Lisa: I remember that fi rst meeting, he [<strong>the</strong> consultant] was very<br />
sympa<strong>the</strong>tic, and he said, “I do understand that secondary infertility<br />
is actually more distressing than being infertile, because your body<br />
is screaming out, because <strong>the</strong> hormones have already been through<br />
<strong>the</strong> process of being pregnant and having a child. Your body wants<br />
to do it again.