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274<br />
ingrid holme<br />
biologically constructed sex. Sex has since become seen as <strong>the</strong> “raw”<br />
natural biology, which contrasted with <strong>the</strong> culturally “cooked” gender<br />
(Butler, 1990). The naturalness of binary sex is supported by <strong>the</strong> “fact”<br />
that <strong>the</strong> human species seem comprised of two genetically distinct<br />
kinds. 2 The examples of birth registration, marriage, and passport<br />
seem to indicate that <strong>the</strong> dialectic between gender and sex has enabled<br />
<strong>the</strong> state to retain <strong>the</strong> static institutionalization of female and males.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> current heterosexual system of biopolitics, which holds sex<br />
as biological, natural, binary, and fi xed, is being challenged by a variety<br />
of unconventionally sexed actors, including those people with intersex<br />
conditions, homosexual couples who wish to marry, and transsexuals<br />
who aim to assume a new sex as well as gender.<br />
As noted, <strong>the</strong> belief that humans exist in two distinct forms, female<br />
and male, is critical to <strong>the</strong> idea of a fi xed sex. Yet, feminists have deconstructed<br />
this seemingly “biological fact” and shown that <strong>the</strong> human body<br />
and its phenotype of sex are not static or fi xed into two distinct classes<br />
of humans (i.e., Dreger, 1998; Fausto-Sterling, 2000). Both Dreger,<br />
who has focused on <strong>the</strong> historical account of hermaphrodites, and<br />
Fausto-Sterling, who has detailed <strong>the</strong> recent methods of constructing sex,<br />
have challenged <strong>the</strong> authority of <strong>the</strong> medical community to determine<br />
a person’s sex. Both have shown that in many cases <strong>the</strong> gonads and<br />
sex chromosomes were generally disregarded in favor of surgically<br />
constructing a body that could “function” in <strong>the</strong> heterosexual sex act.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> medical gaze reads <strong>the</strong> body within cultural and social situations,<br />
and observes and measures <strong>the</strong> gonads, genitals, and chromosomes<br />
in relation to <strong>the</strong> social expectations of reproduction and sexual life.<br />
This has led some feminists to question <strong>the</strong> very existence of a binary sex<br />
model as representing a scientifi c reality because what counts within <strong>the</strong><br />
laboratory as female or male is tightly connected with what society holds<br />
as woman and man, with <strong>the</strong> result that sex itself is always a gendered<br />
category (Butler, 1990). As a result, many feminists argue that <strong>the</strong> sex<br />
binary, which science seems to reveal, is <strong>the</strong> consequence of scientists<br />
presupposing gender binary upon <strong>the</strong>ir research (Butler 1990, 1993;<br />
Fausto-Sterling, 2000) and that <strong>the</strong> sex/gender division is not a feasible<br />
<strong>the</strong>oretical framework (Hood-Williams, 1996).<br />
This chapter explores and questions what is often considered <strong>the</strong><br />
ultimate guarantee or blueprint for <strong>the</strong> biological origin of maleness and<br />
femaleness: genetic sex. Through analysis of newly emerging research on<br />
X chromosome inactivation and imprinting, I examine how <strong>the</strong> historically<br />
cemented framework of <strong>the</strong> sex-binary has guided genetic science<br />
and how new scientifi c advances challenge this framework. A clearer<br />
understanding of how <strong>the</strong> concept of “genetic sex” is constrained by