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128<br />
joshua gunn & mary douglas vavrus<br />
build on it. The Remifemin print ads found in various magazines feature<br />
a blue-eyed, blond haired woman smiling broadly as she announces, “my<br />
menopause symptoms faded 1, 2, 3. . . . You bet I’m a Remifemin-ist!”<br />
On <strong>the</strong> GlaxoSmithKline Web site, <strong>the</strong> same woman tells readers, “I’m<br />
a Remifemin-ist because I saw a dramatic reduction in my menopause<br />
symptoms in just 12 weeks!”<br />
These “Remifemin-ists” lay claim to a postfeminist ideology, <strong>the</strong><br />
particulars of which are <strong>the</strong>se: postfeminism takes feminist gains for<br />
granted, yet, while doing so, replaces feminist ideology with individualistic,<br />
consumer-oriented practices intended only for very specifi c<br />
women, specifi cally, those who have suffi cient income to support <strong>the</strong><br />
consumption habits of at least a middle-class life. Remifemin’s focus on<br />
individual self care for <strong>the</strong> purpose of personal independence is revealed<br />
in its ads’ repeated invocation of <strong>the</strong> term “feminist,” appended to <strong>the</strong><br />
rest of its trade name. By using “feminist” in its ads for Remifemin,<br />
GlaxoSmithKline suggests that it desires some of <strong>the</strong> connotations of<br />
feminism, but without implicating itself any fur<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> politics of<br />
feminism. The term feminist most likely resonates with women beginning<br />
to experience symptoms of menopause, as <strong>the</strong>y are from <strong>the</strong> early baby<br />
boomer generation and could well have been involved or simply interested<br />
in second-wave feminist activism (undoubtedly, <strong>the</strong>y have reaped<br />
<strong>the</strong> rewards of feminist activism, whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong>y acknowledge this).<br />
Also, Remifemin’s herbal active ingredient marks it as a treatment that<br />
feminists might be more inclined to embrace as feminist critiques of<br />
medicine have generated a large literature on, among o<strong>the</strong>r topics,<br />
syn<strong>the</strong>tic treatments for menopause. GlaxoSmithKline’s tactic here could<br />
prove to be a successful hailing gesture to <strong>the</strong> second-wave feminist as<br />
she wends her way through <strong>the</strong> labyrinth of menopause treatments, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
benefi ts, and side effects. 12<br />
The advertising industry is no stranger to <strong>the</strong> use of feminism in <strong>the</strong><br />
texts it produces. From Virginia Slims cigarette ads featuring <strong>the</strong> “You’ve<br />
come a long way, baby” slogan to Enjoli perfume ads that belt out, “I<br />
can bring home <strong>the</strong> bacon, fry it up in a pan,” while reminding women<br />
to “never let him forget he’s a man,” slivers of feminism are sliced and<br />
doled out to media audiences. Some media critics argue that <strong>the</strong> ease<br />
with which feminist politics can be packaged and commodifi ed suggests<br />
that <strong>the</strong> movement has sold out and become “commodity feminism”<br />
(Goldman, Heath, & Smith, 1991). Our argument suggests that something<br />
more is at work than simply a trend to commodifying some of <strong>the</strong><br />
beliefs of feminism. We argue that postfeminist discourse indeed relies<br />
on <strong>the</strong> commodifi cation of feminism, but goes beyond it to construct a<br />
population of bourgeois women who can be regulated by an apparatus