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the Female Body GOVERNING

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44<br />

paula saukko<br />

Biosociality also carries <strong>the</strong> promise of democratizing medicine in<br />

that individuals form identities based on biology, such as a genetic<br />

susceptibility, and mobilize to advance <strong>the</strong>ir interests in relation to<br />

clinicians and o<strong>the</strong>r experts. Online health groups for individuals with<br />

genetic conditions are examples of biosociality. However, biosociality<br />

may also come close to sociobiology in that in its urging of people to<br />

use genetic information to “be all that <strong>the</strong>y can be,” it may subtly shift<br />

<strong>the</strong> responsibility for health to individuals, naturalizing inequalities,<br />

arguing <strong>the</strong>y refl ect <strong>the</strong> “choices” people make about taking care, or not<br />

taking care, of <strong>the</strong>mselves (Petersen & Bunton, 2002). Lay communication<br />

and activism also not only represent <strong>the</strong> “lifeworld,” but are often<br />

infused with biomedical knowledge (e.g. Richardson, 2003) and may fuel<br />

self-medicalization (Petersen, 2003). As discussed by Rapp, Heath, and<br />

Taussig (2001) biosociality often has both “resistant” and “dominant”<br />

aspects.<br />

The following analysis refl ects on <strong>the</strong> pros and cons of online genetic<br />

support groups in light of <strong>the</strong> social scientifi c discussions on <strong>the</strong> contradictions<br />

of biosociality and personalized medicine, and it investigates <strong>the</strong><br />

gendered nature of <strong>the</strong> discussion. Statements about <strong>the</strong> psychological<br />

and social implications of genetics are often general. Yet, <strong>the</strong>se technologies<br />

typically address issues, such as reproduction, families, and<br />

lifestyle, which are traditionally managed by women. Women have also<br />

been found to seek genetic testing to help <strong>the</strong>ir children and extended<br />

families (Hallowell, 1999), participants in genetic interest groups are<br />

often women (see Rapp et al., 2001, p. 398) and women are more likely<br />

to seek information on health online and participate in online health<br />

groups (Seale, 2006). My o<strong>the</strong>r goal in this chapter is to examine <strong>the</strong><br />

specifi c gendered contradictions of preventive genetics in <strong>the</strong> wider<br />

context of personalized medicine.<br />

Thrombophilia<br />

Before moving to <strong>the</strong> analysis of <strong>the</strong> online discussion, a few words are<br />

in order about thrombophilia. In contrast with rare monogenic conditions,<br />

such as Huntington’s disease, which are more or less caused by<br />

a single gene alteration, thrombophilia is a common, complex polygenic<br />

susceptibility. This means that around one in 25 Caucasian individuals<br />

have <strong>the</strong> most common allele (FVL) that predisposes to DVT. Multiple<br />

genetic (various markers), biological (age), and environmental factors<br />

(taking estrogen, surgery, pregnancy, immobility, smoking, and<br />

obesity) also contribute to <strong>the</strong> development of DVT. The risk of DVT<br />

associated with FVL is low for healthy individuals (Middledorp et al.,

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