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44<br />
paula saukko<br />
Biosociality also carries <strong>the</strong> promise of democratizing medicine in<br />
that individuals form identities based on biology, such as a genetic<br />
susceptibility, and mobilize to advance <strong>the</strong>ir interests in relation to<br />
clinicians and o<strong>the</strong>r experts. Online health groups for individuals with<br />
genetic conditions are examples of biosociality. However, biosociality<br />
may also come close to sociobiology in that in its urging of people to<br />
use genetic information to “be all that <strong>the</strong>y can be,” it may subtly shift<br />
<strong>the</strong> responsibility for health to individuals, naturalizing inequalities,<br />
arguing <strong>the</strong>y refl ect <strong>the</strong> “choices” people make about taking care, or not<br />
taking care, of <strong>the</strong>mselves (Petersen & Bunton, 2002). Lay communication<br />
and activism also not only represent <strong>the</strong> “lifeworld,” but are often<br />
infused with biomedical knowledge (e.g. Richardson, 2003) and may fuel<br />
self-medicalization (Petersen, 2003). As discussed by Rapp, Heath, and<br />
Taussig (2001) biosociality often has both “resistant” and “dominant”<br />
aspects.<br />
The following analysis refl ects on <strong>the</strong> pros and cons of online genetic<br />
support groups in light of <strong>the</strong> social scientifi c discussions on <strong>the</strong> contradictions<br />
of biosociality and personalized medicine, and it investigates <strong>the</strong><br />
gendered nature of <strong>the</strong> discussion. Statements about <strong>the</strong> psychological<br />
and social implications of genetics are often general. Yet, <strong>the</strong>se technologies<br />
typically address issues, such as reproduction, families, and<br />
lifestyle, which are traditionally managed by women. Women have also<br />
been found to seek genetic testing to help <strong>the</strong>ir children and extended<br />
families (Hallowell, 1999), participants in genetic interest groups are<br />
often women (see Rapp et al., 2001, p. 398) and women are more likely<br />
to seek information on health online and participate in online health<br />
groups (Seale, 2006). My o<strong>the</strong>r goal in this chapter is to examine <strong>the</strong><br />
specifi c gendered contradictions of preventive genetics in <strong>the</strong> wider<br />
context of personalized medicine.<br />
Thrombophilia<br />
Before moving to <strong>the</strong> analysis of <strong>the</strong> online discussion, a few words are<br />
in order about thrombophilia. In contrast with rare monogenic conditions,<br />
such as Huntington’s disease, which are more or less caused by<br />
a single gene alteration, thrombophilia is a common, complex polygenic<br />
susceptibility. This means that around one in 25 Caucasian individuals<br />
have <strong>the</strong> most common allele (FVL) that predisposes to DVT. Multiple<br />
genetic (various markers), biological (age), and environmental factors<br />
(taking estrogen, surgery, pregnancy, immobility, smoking, and<br />
obesity) also contribute to <strong>the</strong> development of DVT. The risk of DVT<br />
associated with FVL is low for healthy individuals (Middledorp et al.,